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長寿ランキング

先日、都道府県別長寿ランキングが発表されました。
秋田県は男性が46位で女性が39位でしたぎょ
男女ともに一位は長野県チューリップ
長野県は野菜の摂取量が全国1位だそうです。
長野県民は、普段から減塩に努め、野菜中心の生活をしている
家庭が多いのが長寿の秘訣なのかもしれませんね太陽
私も見習って日頃から塩分控えめ、野菜多めの生活を心掛け
毎日を元気に過ごせるように努力したいです女性

                     事務センター  細部

| 今日の東環 | 10:19 AM | comments (213) | trackback (0) |

コメント

President Joe Biden on Thursday defended his administration's new vaccine mandates and said Republican governors undermining the requirements are putting lives at risk.

"We're facing a lot of pushback, especially from some of the Republican governors. The governors of Florida and Texas are doing everything they can to undermine the life-saving requirements that I've proposed," Biden said, specifically calling out GOP Govs. Greg Abbott of Texas and Ron DeSantis of Florida.

Joe Biden says Republican governors undermining his vaccine mandates are putting lives at risk

Biden also took aim at Mississippi Gov. Tate Reeves, who blasted Biden's vaccine requirements as "clearly unconstitutional" and likened them to "tyranny."

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Biden said: "In Mississippi, children are required to be vaccinated against measles, mumps, rubella, chicken pox, hepatitis B, polio, tetanus and more. These are state requirements. But in the midst of a pandemic that has already taken over 660,000 lives, I propose a requirement for Covid vaccines and the governor of that state calls it 'a tyrannical-type move'? A tyrannical-type move?"

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"This is the worst kind of politics because it's putting the lives of citizens of their states, especially children, at risk. And I refuse to give in to it," Biden said.

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The President said the vaccine requirements would save lives and are "what the science tells us we need to do." He said the new mandates would also help strengthen the economy and spur economic growth.

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Biden last week imposed stringent new vaccine rules on federal workers, large employers and health care staff in his strongest push yet to require vaccines for much of the country and contain the latest surge of Covid-19. The new requirements could apply to as many as 100 million Americans, which is close to two-thirds of the American workforce.

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Biden also argued the US is at an inflection point as he pushed for the passage of his economic packages in Congress.

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"I believe we're at an inflection point in this country -- one of those moments where the decisions we're about to make can change, literally change the trajectory of our nation. For years and possibly decades to come," Biden said, speaking from the White House.

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The President continued: "Each inflection point in this nation's history represents a fundamental choice. I believe that America at this moment is facing such a choice."

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"The choice is this: Are we going to continue with an economy where the overwhelming share of the benefits go to big corporations and the very wealthy? Or are we going to take this moment right now to set this country on a new path, one that invests in this nation, creates real sustained economic growth and that benefits everyone, including working people and middle class folks," Biden said.

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The speech comes as sharp divisions in the Democratic Party threaten to bog down Biden's .5 trillion economic package to expand the nation's social safety net, which is the centerpiece of the President's agenda.

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The .5 trillion plan includes funding for paid family leave, education, health care and to address the climate crisis. Senators are at odds over the price tag of the plan, the tax hikes to pay for it, the health care provisions in the proposal and climate provisions that liberals are insisting must be included.

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Biden on Thursday continued to push for the tax hikes on the wealthiest Americans and corporations that some senators have taken issue with.

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"Big corporations and the super wealthy have to start paying their fair share of taxes. It's long overdue. I'm not out to punish anyone. I'm a capitalist. If you can make a million or a billion dollars, that's great, God bless you. All I'm asking is that you pay your fair share," Biden said.

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The disagreements within the Democratic Party on many aspects of the plan have raised questions about whether all 50 members of the Senate's Democratic caucus can quickly unite behind the legislation. Democrats are planning to pass this legislation using the budget reconciliation process, which only requires 50 votes and would therefore not need Republican support.

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If that economic package stalls in the Senate, liberals are warning they will sink the .2 trillion bipartisan infrastructure bill as well, which is also key to Biden's agenda.

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Congressional leaders have set an end-of-September deadline in the House to pass their massive budget bill alongside the separate bipartisan infrastructure bill.

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Earlier this week, Biden focused on and touted the investments that the twin economic proposals would make to address the climate crisis. The President traveled to California and Idaho to survey damage from wildfires and argued that extreme weather events were only increasing in intensity and frequency and that the nation needed to act swiftly to address the climate crisis.

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The packages contain hundreds of billions of new climate investments, which Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer has argued will get the US most of the way to hitting Biden's fossil-fuel emissions target of 50-52% below 2005 levels by 2030.

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GOP prosecutors threaten lawsuits over vaccine requirement

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Two dozen Republican attorneys general warned the White House on Thursday of impending legal action if a proposed coronavirus vaccine requirement for as many as 100 million Americans goes into effect.

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“Your plan is disastrous and counterproductive,” the prosecutors, led by Attorney General Alan Wilson of South Carolina, wrote in a letter sent to President Joe Biden. “If your Administration does not alter its course, the undersigned state Attorneys General will seek every available legal option to hold you accountable and uphold the rule of law.”

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The letter is the latest GOP opposition to sweeping new federal vaccine requirements for private-sector employees, health care workers and federal contractors announced by Biden earlier this month. The requirement, to be enacted through a rule from the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, is part of an all-out effort to curb the surging COVID-19 delta variant.

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The OSHA rule, which covers nearly two-thirds of the private sector workforce, would last six months, after which it must be replaced by a permanent measure. Employers that don’t comply could face penalties of up to ,600 per violation.

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Once it’s out, the rule would take effect in 29 states where OSHA has jurisdiction, according to a primer by the law firm Fisher Phillips. Other states like California and North Carolina that have their own federally approved workplace safety agencies would have up to 30 days to adopt equivalent measures.

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Republican leaders — and some union chiefs, too — have said that Biden was going too far in trying to muscle private companies and workers. One of the first to speak out was Gov. Henry McMaster of South Carolina, who said on Twitter that his state would fight to “the gates of hell to protect the liberty and livelihood of every South Carolinian.”

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Writing to Biden that the vaccine “edict is also illegal,” Wilson warned that courts have fully upheld only one of 10 emergency temporary OSHA standards in recent decades

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The prosecutors also cautioned that the “edict is unlikely to win hearts and minds — it will simply drive further skepticism” over vaccines.

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“Your vaccine mandate represents not only a threat to individual liberty, but a public health disaster that will displace vulnerable workers and exacerbate a nationwide hospital staffing crisis, with severe consequences for all Americans,” they write.

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In lieu of vaccine or weekly testing requirements, the prosecutors proposed that some companies could have employees work remotely, rather than report in person.

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In addition to Wilson in South Carolina, the letter was signed by attorneys general in Alabama, Alaska, Arizona, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Indiana, Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, West Virginia and Wyoming.

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Small agency, big job: Biden tasks OSHA with vaccine mandate

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The Occupational Safety and Health Administration doesn’t make many headlines. Charged with keeping America’s workplaces safe, it usually busies itself with tasks such as setting and enforcing standards for goggles, hardhats and ladders.

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But President Joe Biden this month threw the tiny Labor Department agency into the raging national debate over federal COVID-19 vaccine mandates. The president directed OSHA to write a rule requiring employers with at least 100 workers to force employees to get vaccinated or produce weekly test results showing they are virus free.

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The assignment is sure to test an understaffed agency that has struggled to defend its authority in court. And the legal challenges to Biden’s vaccine mandate will be unrelenting: Republican governors and others call it an egregious example of government overreach. South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster vowed to fight the mandate “to the gates of hell.”

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“There are going to be some long days and nights for the folks who are drafting this rule,” says labor lawyer Aaron Gelb, a partner in the Chicago office of Conn Maciel Carey. “It’s an interesting time to be an OSHA lawyer for sure.”

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When Congress created OSHA 50 years ago to police workplace safety, 38 workers were dying on the job every day. Now that figure is closer to 15 — even though the American workforce is has more than doubled in the interim. OSHA writes rules designed to protect workers from dangers such as toxic chemicals, rickety scaffolding and cave-ins at construction sites.

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“The hazard in this case is the infectious worker,” says epidemiologist David Michaels, OSHA director in the Obama administration. “This rule will tell employers: You have to take steps to make sure potentially infectious workers don’t come into the workplace.”

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OSHA will use its power under a 1970 law to issue an expedited rule - called an “emergency temporary standard” or ETS -- and bypass its own cumbersome rulemaking process, which typically takes nearly eight years from beginning to end, according to a 2012 study by the Government Accountability Office. To fast-track the rule, OSHA must show that it is acting to protect workers from a “grave danger.”

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The mandate the White House announced this month will cover 80 million employees — nearly two-thirds of the private sector workforce. Employers that don’t comply could face penalties of up to ,600 per violation.

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Businesses are anxious to see how OSHA handles questions like: Which vaccines and tests are acceptable and which aren’t? How should employers handle requests from employees who seek exemptions on medical or religious grounds? Who’s going to pay for the testing? Some employers won’t be happy if they have to foot the bill for employees who refuse free vaccinations.

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Once it’s out, the rule would take effect in 29 states where OSHA has jurisdiction, according to a primer by the law firm Fisher Phillips. Other states such as California and North Carolina that have their own federally approved workplace safety agencies would have up to 30 days to adopt equivalent measures. The OSHA rule would last six months, after which it must be replaced by a permanent measure.

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“There are going to be legal challenges brought to whatever rule,” attorney Gelb said. “OSHA is going to really devote time and effort to drafting a rule that will survive those legal challenges.” He predicts the rule won’t be published in the Federal Register until November.

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The agency is already often stretched thin. Even including what OSHA calls its “partners” at state workplace safety agencies, there are only 1,850 inspectors to oversee 130 million workers at 8 million workplaces. “It is not helpful to have a critical agency like this understaffed, particularly because of moments like this,” says Celine McNicholas, director of government affairs at the left-leaning Economic Policy Institute.

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Until June, when it issued a COVID-related ETS covering the health care industry, OSHA hadn’t implemented an emergency rule since 1983. Overall, it has issued 10. But courts have overturned four and partially blocked a fifth, according to the Congressional Research Service.

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Michaels, now a professor of public health at George Washington University, says the “grave danger” is obvious in a country battling a pandemic that has killed more than 650,000 Americans. “OSHA’s plan very clearly fits those requirements,” he says. “And I’m not worried about a court saying it doesn’t.”

| callum | EMAIL | URL | 2021/09/17 04:29 PM | wL5kt6VQ |

Joe Biden’s administration is facing mounting pressure amid reports that several hundred people, including Americans, had been prevented for a week from flying out of an airport in northern Afghanistan.

Marina LeGree, the founder and executive director of a small American NGO active in Afghanistan, said 600 to 1,300 people, including girls from her group, had been waiting near the Mazar-i-Sharif airport for as long as a week amid confusion involving the Taliban and US officials.

That number is understood to include 19 Americans, though none are with LeGree’s group. Those waiting are being housed in various places in the city, she said.

Joe Biden under pressure as NGO says flights from Afghanistan blocked

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“It’s been seven days and nothing’s moving,” LeGree told AFP, adding that six chartered planes were waiting at the airport to evacuate what some officials are calling “the NGO group”. “The Taliban are simply not letting anything move.”

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Her Virginia-based organization, which trains Afghan girls in leadership through physical activities like mountain climbing, is trying to evacuate a small group of girls and young women, aged 16 to 23, and a few family members. All are Hazara, an ethnic minority in Afghanistan that faced severe repression when the Taliban last controlled the country from 1996-2001.

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LeGree, who has worked in Afghanistan since 2005 for aid groups and US agencies, expressed frustration with the role of the state department in clearing the flights. The group’s departure had seemed imminent until a few days ago, when planning suddenly stopped.

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A state department spokesperson said on Monday that while the US is committed to helping Americans and at-risk Afghans leave, its resources in Afghanistan are seriously limited.

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“We do not have personnel on the ground, we do not have air assets in the country, we do not control the airspace – whether over Afghanistan or elsewhere in the region,” the spokesperson told AFP.

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“Given these constraints, we also do not have a reliable means to confirm the basic details of charter flights, including who may be organising them, the number of US citizens and other priority groups onboard, the accuracy of the rest of the manifest, and where they plan to land.

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“We will hold the Taliban to its pledge to let people freely depart Afghanistan.”

Satellite images of the airport from 3 September show six aircraft, one on a runway and others outside terminal buildings.

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Biden’s Republican opposition has seized on the situation, which comes at a time when his popularity has fallen sharply amid concerns about the Afghanistan evacuation and the summer’s surge in Covid-19 cases.

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Michael McCaul, the top Republican on the House foreign affairs committee, suggested on Sunday that the Taliban was holding the group as part of high-pressure negotiations with Washington.

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But LeGree said she would not characterise the situation that way. “Nobody is guarding the door,” she said, even if her concern has grown as the days pass. “If it isn’t resolved very soon, we’re worried for the physical safety of our girls,” she said.

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Eric Montalvo, a former US Marine Corps officer and a lawyer working with groups that chartered two of the six planes, said: “The Taliban is not holding these planes hostage. The problem is the US government. All the state department has to do is make a phone call and these people will be able to leave immediately.”

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The US completed its military withdrawal from Afghanistan on 31 August after weeks of chaos, after the Taliban’s rapid takeover of the country.

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More than 120,000 people were flown out of Afghanistan in one of the largest such aerial operations in history, though US officials acknowledged having left a few hundred Americans behind along with many vulnerable Afghans.

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The Biden administration has repeatedly vowed to do everything possible to help those who want to leave.

On Monday, the state department announced that four American citizens had been able to leave Afghanistan by road, arriving in an unnamed neighbouring country without any resistance from the Taliban. They were the first officially acknowledged US departures since 31 August.

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Biden to revive economic campaign and promises to pivot away from Afghanistan, aides and allies say

The White House is preparing to roll out new announcements on a number of President Joe Biden's unrealized campaign promises this fall, even as Congress works to advance the president's dual infrastructure proposals in hopes of final passage.

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White House officials did not dispute that a number of Biden's economic campaign promises, including pledges to alleviate student loan debt and installing a first-time homebuyer tax credit, were not included in the bipartisan or budget reconciliation infrastructure packages, which combined would account for nearly trillion in new spending initiatives.

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Those officials stressed to the Washington Examiner that "the president and his whole team are proud of and are fighting for the substance of his Build Back Better agenda, which is fully paid for by asking big corporations and the wealthiest Americans to pay their fair share and by empowering Medicare to negotiate lower prices with pharmaceutical companies."

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"We need to cut prescription drug costs, take on climate change, and help families afford childcare, care for older Americans, and education; and extend the biggest middle class tax cut in American history," one official explained in a statement. "Think of all the ways that will cut costs for families. And importantly, Build Back Better and the bipartisan infrastructure bill will reduce inflation by making our economy more efficient, making it easier to move goods, and making it easier to enter the labor force — without adding to the deficit."

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The official maintained that "these are complex processes, but as recent weeks have demonstrated, leaders in Congress and the president know how to move them forward."

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However, both senior Democratic and Republican officials suggested to the Washington Examiner that while the administration would always have continued to push Biden's unrealized campaign pledges, the White House is urgently looking for new narratives to focus on following America's Afghan troop withdrawal and the humanitarian evacuation that ensued.

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"Just look at the polling on the president's agenda. The majority of Americans approve of his economic proposals, especially the family care provisions," one Democratic strategist wrote. "Now look at the president's own approval numbers after Kabul fell. It's kind of obvious what the White House would rather be talking about."

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A veteran Democratic congressional aide stated that "when messaging around progressive economic ideas, the White House knows exactly where the battle lines are drawn."

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"Democratic leadership will line up behind Biden and whip the necessary votes. Meanwhile, you can expect Republicans to basically fall into lockstep opposition," the aide continued. "But on Afghanistan, you're seeing members from both parties criticizing Biden's handling of a situation. Democratic senators are calling for hearings. That's not a winnable battle."

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A senior GOP aide also stated that Republicans will do everything they can to keep the media focused on Afghanistan, but waved off the strategy as political sabotage.

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"This isn't about hamstringing Biden's socialist policies, although there is a double-sided benefit there," the aide told the Washington Examiner. "The American people were lied to for 20 years about what was happening in Afghanistan. Now that the war is over, they deserve to know the truth."

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Since the fall of Kabul, the Biden administration has announced a number of new economic initiatives.

On Aug. 19, the Department of Education waived all student debt for payees with permanent disabilities. The measure impacted nearly 400,000 individuals with nearly billion combined in student debt.

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"We've heard loud and clear from borrowers with disabilities and advocates about the need for this change, and we are excited to follow through on it," Secretary of Education Miguel Cardona said in a statement accompanying the announcement. "This change reduces red tape with the aim of making processes as simple as possible for borrowers who need support."

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The White House also took new action to expand affordable housing, a core Biden-campaign promise, on Wednesday.

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"The large and long-standing gap between the supply and demand of affordable homes for both renters and homeowners makes it harder for families to buy their first home and drives up the cost of rent. Higher housing costs also crowd out other investments families can and should make to improve their lives, such as investments in education," White House officials said in a statement at the time. "President Biden is committed to using every tool available in government to produce more affordable housing supply as quickly as possible, and to make supply available to families in need of affordable, quality housing — rather than to large investors."

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Specifically, those actions relaunched the Department of Housing and Urban Development's Risk Sharing Program and the Federal Financing Bank, boosting the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit Investment Cap offered by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, and allocate Capital Magnet Fund money for Affordable Housing Production and Community Development Financial Institutions.

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Biden himself also lobbied heavily for both the infrastructure bills and his economic proposals from the White House on Friday.

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"We’re going to pass these measures. We’re going to build an economy from the bottom up and the middle out, not from the top down," the president reiterated in televised remarks. "Just think about it: Throughout our history, when the middle class has done well, when it prospers, has there ever been a time the wealthy and corporate America doesn’t do well? I can’t think of one."

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"We have to put ourselves on track to accomplish extraordinary things: a strong, inclusive, historic economic growth; landmark investments to create even more good jobs and deliver breathing room to millions of families; a giant step forward in the fight against climate change — the crisis made more evident than ever by the death and destruction caused by extreme weather just these past few days," he continued. "My agenda, I believe, is one that every American, if they understand it, they can get behind. And because of the work we’ve all put in, not just here in Washington, but in communities across the country, every one of those goals is now within our reach."

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Biden's standing among Americans nosedives in wake of rocky Afghanistan exit, COVID surge

Biden's approval underwater in surveys following turbulent Afghanistan withdrawal, delta variant-fueled COVID spike
As Labor Day marks the traditional close to summer, President Biden's poll numbers are taking a hit.

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Facing a barrage of bipartisan criticism for weeks over his handling of the turbulent U.S. withdrawal and evacuation from Afghanistan, and with a surge in new COVID cases due to the spread across the country this summer of the highly infectious delta variant, the president’s approval ratings are slipping.

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Biden’s approval rating hovered in the low to mid 50s since taking office in late January. But his numbers started sliding last month, as the crisis in Afghanistan dominated media coverage and mask mandates started returning in certain spots across the country as coronavirus cases rose.

| callum | EMAIL | URL | 2021/09/07 07:33 PM | iVzXyuSk |

Once again Joe Biden found himself talking about nation-building, the fragility of democracy and the threat that religious extremists pose to women’s rights.

But the president’s interventions on Thursday were focused on America, not Afghanistan, as domestic events gave him an unexpected assist in his effort to turn the page on the ignominious retreat from Kabul.

Bruised Joe Biden tries to turn the page after US debacle in Afghanistan

Historic flooding in the north-east gave Biden a cue to remind Americans of his plan to spend tn on better infrastructure. Texas’s enforcement of the most extreme abortion restrictions in the country drew a stinging rebuke from the president. Battles over voting rights and a full accounting of the 6 January insurrection raged on.

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All of them gave the White House an opportunity to talk about something other than Afghanistan. August has been dubbed Biden’s “month from hell” after his decision to withdraw US forces saw the Afghan government and army capitulate to the Taliban far faster than he had predicted. The US then frantically evacuated more than 120,000 people but 13 troops died in a terrorist attack.

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The president’s reputation as a safe pair hands, and a safe harbour for western allies, was shaken to its core. While his Democratic allies now hope that the issue will fade from public consciousness, allowing to him renew focus on the pandemic and a sweeping economic agenda, Republicans are determined that Biden should not be simply allowed to move on.

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“He desperately would like to change the subject, talk about domestic matters or Covid or areas where he feels like he has a little bit more control and ability to get engaged,” said Lanhee Chen, a fellow at the Hoover Institution thinktank at Stanford University in Palo Alto, California. “I’m not of the view that it’s going to be easy for him to do that.

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“People will continue to discuss what is happening in Afghanistan. I’m sure Republicans will ensure that his handling of the crisis in Afghanistan remains a campaign issue. Some of this is going to be well beyond his control; if circumstances in Afghanistan, for whatever reason, re-enter the public mind and re-enter public attention, he’s going to have to respond to that, and there’s not going to be a whole lot he can do to avoid that or to change the subject, even if he wants to.”

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Biden had been riding high in July, when mass vaccinations blunted the coronavirus, and early August, when he claimed a bipartisan infrastructure deal as vindication of his faith in bipartisanship. But the chaotic scenes from Afghanistan, including desperate people clinging to a US military plane – and a 17-year-old footballer plunging from one to his death – rewrote the narrative.

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Biden’s character and competence were scrutinized and his approval rating dipped below 50%. But he remained firm in his conviction and defiant of his many critics, including in the powerful Washington foreign policy establishment. After the final troops flew out, ending the conflict of 20 years, he attempted to draw a line in the sand on 31 August, insisting: “I was not going to extend this forever war, and I was not extending a forever exit.”

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A day later, as calendars flicked to September, the White House press secretary, Jen Psaki, began her regular briefing by discussing the impact of Hurricane Ida on Louisiana and Mississippi. The first question from reporters concerned the pandemic; the second was about a new law in Texas that undermines women’s reproductive rights.

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The grand pivot away from Afghanistan had begun. Psaki said: “The president knows that he has responsibilities, and the multiple crises he will continue to have to face as president are part of his job description. And if there is a meeting warranted in the situation room with his military leaders, national security team, about Afghanistan or any other issue, of course he’s going to be there for that.

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”But he also knows that part of his commitment to the American people is getting the pandemic under control, is addressing the hurricane and making sure that people in Louisiana and Mississippi and other states on the Gulf coast know he’s doing absolutely everything in his power to make sure they have power.”

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Then remnants of the hurricane unleashed record floods in New York and New Jersey, delivering images guaranteed to knock Afghanistan off cable news. Local Democrats leaders warned that such events will become more frequent and ferocious and urged Congress to pass Biden’s infrastructure bill. It was a subject that the president was more than happy to talk about.

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He said: “The past few days of Hurricane Ida and the wildfires in the west and the unprecedented flash floods in New York and New Jersey is yet another reminder that these extreme storms and the climate crisis are here. We need to do be much better prepared. We need to act. When Congress returns this month, I’m going to press for their action on my Build Back Better plan.”

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The infrastructure bill would modernize roads, bridges, water systems, sewer and draining systems, electric grids and transmission lines, making them more resilient to superstorms and wildfires, as well as making huge investments to combat the climate crisis. Signing it into law would give Biden a major political victory to get his presidency back on track.

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But this scenario is far from certain. The House of Representatives and Senate are haggling over both this bill and a .5tn budget reconciliation package that invests in childcare and other social priorities. Democratic leaders want to pass them together but party moderates are reluctant. On Thursday Senator Joe Manchin said Democrats should “hit the pause button” on the .5tn package.

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Bill Whalen, a research fellow at the Hoover Institution, said: “I’ll be very curious what the pivot’s going to be for Biden. He needs a win on something. He needs something a little more dramatic than an infrastructure bill. He needs an act of God. He needs a supreme court justice to drop dead.”

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In the meantime, Republicans have no intention of allowing Afghanistan to drop off the radar. That Republican George W Bush started the war, or that Republican Donald Trump signed a deal with the Taliban to end it, has not prevented them portraying Biden as a man out of his depth who left behind more than a hundred US citizens, thousands of Afghan allies and abundant military hardware.

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John Bolton, a former national security adviser under Trump and an opponent of withdrawal, believes the episode will be “damaging” to the president and could undermine his agenda. “If you look at this withdrawal as the debacle it’s very widely viewed as, that’s Biden’s mistake and that’s going to hurt him,” he said.

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“Democrats in Congress are very worried that the perception of incompetence will spill over into domestic affairs and the fate of the .5tn package and any number of other things could be jeopardized. The swing-district Democrats in the House and some in the Senate are saying this is one more piece of evidence that we’re going to be in real trouble next year if we just blindly follow the White House leadership on this.

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“So there’s real trouble ahead for them. It’s hard to measure exactly but I do think in American politics, when you lose the perception of competence, it’s very hard to get it back.”

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A blitz of attack ads suggest that Republicans believe they have finally found Biden’s Achilles’ heel. Michael Steel, who was a spokesperson for former House speaker John Boehner, said: “I’m sure the White House hopes that legislative successes this fall will allow them to ‘right the ship’, but nothing will erase the searing images from Kabul over the past weeks, or the damage done to America’s credibility.”

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Some Democrats have also expressed frustration at the botched withdrawal, and three Democratic-led Senate committees have pledged to investigate “failures”, a rare rebuke for the president from his own party. Biden will also have to contend with the resettlement of thousands of Afghan refugees, a potentially incendiary issue.

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But White House strategists may be betting that taking a hit in the short term is worth the long-term vindication of ending an unpopular war, given that the average citizen is currently more concerned with Covid-19 outbreaks in schools. And to adapt an oft-quoted Afghan saying, Republicans have the watches but Biden has the time: the midterm elections will not be held until November 2022.

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Larry Sabato, director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia, said: “Afghanistan will matter for Republicans; they’re never going to give up. The dog has chomped out on the ankle. But for Democrats, no, they’re going to laugh at that and say, ‘Oh, you want to go back? 20 years wasn’t enough? tn wasn’t enough? 2,400 American lives wasn’t enough?’ Who wins that argument? It’s obvious the Democrats do.”

Howie Carr: Joe Biden craps out on Afghanistan, Hurricane Ida response

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It’s Weekend at Biden’s, and what a busy time it’s been for Dementia Joe.

Presiding over the most humiliating military and foreign policy disaster in U.S. history, massive inflation, supply-chain breakdowns and COVID cluelessness — and those are the highlights of his feckless administration.

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What makes Biden’s hologram presidency so … special is that Dementia Joe can always cut directly to the heart of an issue, as he did in the aftermath of Hurricane Ida.

All dialogue guaranteed verbatim.

“The unprecedented flash floods in New York and New Jersey is yet another merminder that these extreme storms in the crimate clisis crisis are here. We need to do muss be better prepared.”

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Can we quote you on that Mr. President?

He can’t do it alone, though. Joe must confer with his top White House aides on the crimate clisis.

“I’m here with uh with my senior adviser and uh boy who knows Louisiana very well man and New Orleans’ Cedric Richmond.”

A former Congressman who happens to be black. And Dementia Joe called him “boy.” Imagine if Trump had said that …

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But this morning let us first consider the inner Dementia Joe, the “praxing Catholic,” as he describes himself, as he spoke with Jewish leaders on the eve of the high holiday he calls “Russia Shona.”

Most of the attention has focused on his abject lie to the rabbis that he visited the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh after the 2018 massacre. He didn’t, of course — just flat out made up something that didn’t happen. It’s a Biden thing.

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The president waxed philosophical as he struggled to describe what he wanted played at his daughter’s wedding, music usually reserved for a funeral but … Dementia Joe.

| jajang haji | EMAIL | URL | 2021/09/05 09:27 PM | BT/E0mpA |

Sen. Joe Manchin, the most pivotal Democratic swing vote in the Senate, threw a major wrench in his party's carefully crafted plans to pass a massive .5 trillion bill by month's end, demanding they take a "strategic pause" before considering a sweeping bill to implement much of President Joe Biden's agenda.

Manchin, who has long been skeptical of the staggering price tag, made clear Thursday that he's also opposed to the timeframe Democratic leaders had been charting out for months, a position that now threatens both the larger Democratic-only proposal but also the .2 trillion infrastructure bill that passed the Senate earlier this summer.

In a strongly worded op-ed published in the Wall Street Journal on Thursday, the moderate senator called on fellow Democrats to "hit a strategic pause on the budget-reconciliation legislation," referring to the bill that can be approved in the Senate by just a simple majority -- meaning all 50 members of the Senate Democratic Caucus have to support the bill or it will collapse since all 50 Republicans are expected to oppose it.

Manchin upends Democrats' push to enact Biden's agenda this month, calling for 'pause' on .5 trillion bill

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"Instead of rushing to spend trillions on new government programs and additional stimulus funding, Congress should hit a strategic pause on the budget-reconciliation legislation," he wrote in the op-ed. "A pause is warranted because it will provide more clarity on the trajectory of the pandemic, and it will allow us to determine whether inflation is transitory or not."

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He added: "While some have suggested this reconciliation legislation must be passed now believe that making budgetary decisions under artificial political deadlines never leads to good policy or sound decisions. I have always said if I can't explain it, I can't vote for it, and I can't explain why my Democratic colleagues are rushing to spend .5 trillion."

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Manchin says he cannot agree to the .5 trillion plan "or anywhere near that level of additional spending" without fully assessing the effects on the economy.

His position to hit the brakes on moving Biden's agenda left Democrats uncertain about how to get the massive proposals through Congress.

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One senior Democratic member, who asked not to be named, said lawmakers are perplexed at Manchin for taking such a vocal stand at a sensitive time for the Biden agenda.

"This complicates everything," the Democratic member told CNN.

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House and Senate Democrats had been hoping to finalize their deals behind closed doors over the reconciliation bill -- and push through the proposal in each chamber before the end of the month. Now, Manchin's position throws that into question.

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Democratic leaders have set September 15 for a deadline to put together their reconciliation bill, and already House committees have begun taking action on their individual pieces of the larger proposal. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has warned her colleagues she will not move on the .2 trillion infrastructure bill -- which was approved 69-30 in the Senate last month -- until the Senate passes the larger Democratic deal first.

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But Pelosi was forced to make a deal with her moderate Democratic members last month to assure them that the Senate's infrastructure bill would come to the House floor by September 27. Many House liberals have warned that they won't support the bipartisan infrastructure bill unless the Senate first approves the Democrat-only reconciliation proposal.

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So if Pelosi and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer can't satisfy the competing wings of their caucuses, Democrats fear the whole effort could implode.

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The massive bill would include measures such as funding to combat climate change, paid family and medical leave, expanding the child tax credit -- and would be funded in part through tax hikes on corporations and high-income earners.

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Some House progressives have already begun to speak out against Manchin's words. New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez slammed Manchin for his relationship with the fossil fuels industry.

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"Manchin has weekly huddles w/ Exxon &amp; is one of many senators who gives lobbyists their pen to write so-called 'bipartisan' fossil fuel bills. It's killing people. Our people. At least 12 last night. Sick of this 'bipartisan' corruption that masquerades as clear-eyed moderation," she tweeted Thursday.

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And the chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus Pramila Jayapal responded to Manchin in a tweet: "Pause on finally delivering child care, paid leave, education, health care, affordable housing, climate action, and dental, vision, and hearing to millions of families across America? Absolutely not."

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But Manchin isn't the only senator who could throw a wrinkle in the process.

Sen. Kyrsten Sinema, a moderate Democrat from Arizona, also said in the past she doesn't support the large price tag.

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"Proceedings in the US House will have no impact on Kyrsten's views about what is best for our country — including the fact that she will not support a budget reconciliation bill that costs .5 trillion," her spokesperson John LaBombard told CNN last month. Her office did not respond to a request for comment Thursday.

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Supreme Court and Joe Manchin tighten Biden's political straitjacket

Both the premise and promise of Joe Biden's presidency and a possibly brief Democratic grip on Washington are suddenly on the line, as the legacy of past electoral disappointments and harsh realities of power suddenly converge.

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In the seven-month span of Biden's term, this is the worst of times for Democrats. A stroke-of-midnight eclipse of Constitutional abortion rights in Texas that shocked liberals, a new threat from moderate Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin to Biden's vast congressional agenda and the President's own stumbles in Afghanistan dragged this White House to its lowest moment yet.

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Add in the Republican Party's expanding assault on voting rights and a looming fight over raising government borrowing levels, and Democrats face a struggle to repay the faith of their 2020 voters. And that's without horrendous tests from a pandemic that is again filling hospitals, targeting unvaccinated Americans -- including, increasingly, kids who have been left waiting on regulators -- and looking likely to dog the White House deep into midterm election year.

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Each of these crises is putting Biden's leadership under extreme examination and in several cases exposing his inability to meaningfully shift prevailing dynamics because of divides in his own party and Republicans' obstructive power.

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The President has issued stirring and even angry demands for action on voting rights and abortion rights. But a 50-50 Senate and a new conservative Supreme Court majority severely limit his options -- unless he is prepared to embrace the political earthquakes of abolishing Senate filibuster obstruction rules and enlarging the nation's top bench, which he has neither the political majorities nor personal inclination to do, to the fury of progressives.

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The challenges facing Biden also highlight a more over-arching question about his governing philosophy. How can a President dedicated to restoring and using traditional Washington methods to pass a massive program do so when confronted by a Republican Party that has already shown itself ready to shred regular order to gain and regain power?

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From triumph to potential disaster
The new difficulties follow a head-spinning three weeks that actually started in triumph when Biden succeeded in shepherding a bipartisan infrastructure bill and .5 trillion spending blueprint through the Senate. But the sequence of subsequent dramas has stretched the White House, exposed the limits of the Democrats' thin majorities and -- in the case of the chaotic withdrawal from Kabul -- displayed the capacity of outside events to destabilize presidencies at any moment.

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It's one thing for the progressive wing of the party to demand sweeping presidential action to enforce their priorities immediately. But the Democratic Party is hardly an ideological monolith. Its congressional leadership, who must be conscious of the moderate lane Biden traveled to the White House, appears to have neither the internal unity or stomach to flex power ruthlessly in the manner of rule-breaking Republicans on the filibuster and the high court.

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And the cumulative power of conservatism built up over years, even with Republicans currently locked out of power in Washington, is showing itself to be a formidable political force. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, a master of obstruction, deploys the filibuster with aplomb and enjoys heaping pressure on moderate Democrats, every one of whose votes the President needs. And the conservative majority on the Supreme Court, by refusing to block a near-total Texas abortion ban, drove home its power to destroy liberal dreams not just now, but for years to come.

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Trauma over abortion decision
Apart perhaps from the shock victory of Donald Trump on election night in 2016, the Texas abortion law -- which bars abortion after as early as six weeks into the pregnancy and contains no exceptions for rape or incest -- may be the most traumatic moment for liberals in many years.

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It was obvious the new Supreme Court conservative majority was gunning for Roe v. Wade. But the manner in which the justices acquiesced in the effective stripping of Constitutional rights of women in Texas in a 5-4 decision, which included no hearings or detailed arguments, was staggering. As was the fact that the Texas law, which allows anyone in the US to sue a person -- doctor, family member or Uber driver, for example, who helps someone else get an abortion -- appears to introduce a form of vigilante justice with grave implications for other constitutional rights. For decades, the threat to abortion was expected to come in a frontal assault on the 1973 Roe decision.

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Now, unless the Supreme Court reverses itself at a later date, conservative states have a formula to simply bypass the landmark legislation entirely.

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Biden reacted to the Supreme Court's decision with a strongly worded statement and instructed his administration to examine what options there are to guarantee a woman's right to choose in Texas. The President decried "an unprecedented assault on a woman's constitutional rights." Vice President Kamala Harris promised the ruling was not the "last word" on Roe v. Wade.

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Attorney General Merrick Garland said the Justice Department was "deeply concerned" about the Texas abortion law. Garland's statement was especially ironic since had McConnell not twisted convention to deny him a Supreme Court seat in President Barack Obama's last year in office, the entire outcome of the Texas abortion episode may have been reversed.

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But in any case, strong statements are unlikely to change the momentum of this issue, or satisfy progressives.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi vowed to bring up a measure guaranteeing equal access to abortion as soon as the chamber returns from recess next week. She said the Texas law is "the most extreme, dangerous abortion ban in half a century, and its purpose is to destroy Roe v. Wade."

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But there are nowhere near the 60 votes needed in the Senate to pass such a major piece of legislation that almost all Republicans would oppose. To overcome that barrier, Democrats would have to vote by a simple majority to change the filibuster. But Manchin, several other Democratic senators and even Biden himself have balked at such a step, partly due to fears about how a future unfettered Republican Senate and White House could swiftly remake America -- perhaps in the image of anti-abortion, pro-gun Texas.

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Another option backed by many progressives during last year's election campaign was a scheme to simply expand the Supreme Court to counter what Democrats see as at least two illicit Republican appointments.

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Biden, a Washington institutionalist, whose entire political project relies on forging national unity through bipartisan measures like his infrastructure bill, has shown little interest in such a step that would ignite a political firestorm. Biden did form a commission to advise him on court reform. But it was widely seen as a way of side-stepping demands by the Democratic left for court packing.

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Ultimately, the Texas abortion law and the Supreme Court's refusal to stop it reflect the hangover from what seems to become a more disastrous election for Democrats in 2016 with every year that passes. Hillary Clinton's defeat paved the way for Trump to seat three new justices -- Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett -- and the Texas abortion law is just the start.

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Every vote counts
The Democrats' underperformance in another election, the 2020 congressional contests, are behind their other big political problem this week. Only two runoff victories in Georgia allowed Democrats to take control of the Senate in a disappointing showing since Biden did far better in unseating Trump. The resulting 50-50 majority in the Senate means that every single vote is needed to pass anything by a simple majority. Biden cannot lose even one Democrat.

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So Manchin's new warning that he is not just uncomfortable with the size of the .5 trillion dollar spending package but also the concept and the idea of passing it at the current moment threatened real trouble for Biden's domestic legacy.

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"Instead of rushing to spend trillions on new government programs and additional stimulus funding, Congress should hit a strategic pause on the budget-reconciliation legislation," Manchin wrote in the Wall Street Journal.

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"A pause is warranted because it will provide more clarity on the trajectory of the pandemic, and it will allow us to determine whether inflation is transitory or not."

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Biden's legislative skills mean it's far too early to assume he will not be able to talk Manchin around. There have been other moments when the legislation's prospects have seemed dark. And most bills have near death moments before they pass.

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But the complex choreography needed for this particular measure leaves it especially vulnerable. And it's also fair to ask how low Senate Budget Committee Chairman Bernie Sanders and House progressives are willing to go on the size of the final package and on its timing.

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Not very far, if key House progressive Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is to be believed.

"Maybe we hit the 'cancel' button on this so-called 'bipartisan' charade of an Exxon lobbyist drafted infrastructure bill unless we actually pass a law that helps people's lives with healthcare expansion, childcare, climate action, etc," Ocasio-Cortez wrote on Twitter.

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Manchin's doubts do not just endanger a single Democratic priority. The spending blueprint is a monster that pretty much includes all of Biden's top priorities in a measure that can evade the filibuster and pass with a limited device known as reconciliation.

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But if Democrats can't get Manchin on board it is doomed. And this is also about more than one bill. The spending bill is part of a delicate dance designed to convince progressives like Ocasio-Cortez to back the bipartisan infrastructure measure that she mentioned. That proposed law would be a landmark of the Biden presidency but falls far short of the hopes of more liberal members.

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Biden launches federal effort to respond to Texas law as he faces pressure to protect abortion

A new Texas law that effectively bans most abortions prompted President Joe Biden on Wednesday to use a word he'd entirely avoided as president: "Abortion."

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The absence of the word in Biden's public remarks and statements has frustrated activists, who say it reflects an issue that fell off the priority list even as women's right to an abortion comes under threat in states across the Midwest and South.

The Supreme Court on Wednesday night formally denied a request from Texas abortion providers to freeze the state law, meaning it will remain on the books for now. Abortion providers in the state have already turned away patients, uncertain of their potential legal exposure.

| callum | EMAIL | URL | 2021/09/04 01:01 AM | BT/E0mpA |

President Joe Biden is confronting an extraordinary confluence of intensifying crises that are pushing a White House already mired in extreme challenges to the limit.

Washington is on edge for the tense final hours of a chaotic and tragedy-marred exit from Afghanistan, even as Biden girds for yet another domestic catastrophe after a historic hurricane slammed into Louisiana.

Hurricane Ida's maximum 150 mph winds and torrential rainstorms pummeled the Gulf Coast, sparking extensive flooding and damage, as forecasters warned that areas of Louisiana could be left uninhabitable for months. The Category 4 monster, later downgraded Sunday evening, threatened to leave a trail of devastation and human suffering and potential new damage to the economic recovery in a region crucial to the energy and shipping industries. It also offered a fateful reminder of the way mishandled natural disasters can cause political blowbacks as the storm roared ashore on the 16th anniversary of Hurricane Katrina, which drained the political authority from George W. Bush, another President simultaneously confounded by a foreign war, in Iraq.

Biden vowed during a visit to the Federal Emergency Management Agency on Sunday to put the "full might" of the nation into efforts to put the Gulf Coast back on its feet with scenes of terrible damage expected when darkness lifts on Monday morning.

Hurricane, Afghanistan exit and pandemic exacerbate Biden's presidency of crises

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"We're going to be here. We're going to be here to help the Gulf region get back on its feet as quickly as possible, as long as it takes," he said, refusing to also answer questions about Afghanistan during the brief media appearance.

The weekend's events are further testing the leadership skills of Biden, who was left reeling by a suicide attack outside Kabul's airport last week, which killed 13 US service members and dozens of Afghans and exacerbated fierce criticism of the White House's frenetic and ill-planned retreat from America's longest war. The White House said Monday that approximately 1,200 people were evacuated from Kabul in the last 24 hours, bringing the total evacuated to approximately 116,700 people since August 14.

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Yet both Ida and the messy departure from Afghanistan pale in comparison to the worst challenge facing a presidency that has never experienced a normal day. Dr. Anthony Fauci, the government's top infectious diseases specialist, said it was possible that a new University of Washington forecast of a possible 100,000 more US Covid-19 deaths by December 1 could be borne out.

"Unfortunately, it certainly is. You know, what is going on now is both entirely predictable, but entirely preventable. And you know, we know we have the wherewithal with vaccines to turn this around," Fauci, director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, said on CNN's "State of the Union" on Sunday.

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A somber, emotional weekend

Few presidents of the modern era have faced simultaneous emergencies of such magnitude after grueling months that stretched the new administration and a nation exhausted by the worst public health crisis in a century.

The intensity of the emotional blow of recent days was brought home to Biden on Sunday when he traveled to Dover, Delaware, to honor the US troops killed in Kabul last week, and to console bereaved relatives as the remains of their loved ones were returned home. Before the "dignified transfer" of the fallens' remains, Biden walked solemnly into the belly of a huge cargo plane for a moment of prayer alongside the transfer cases wrapped in US flags.

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The Americans died in a suicide bomb blast, for which the Afghan affiliate of ISIS has claimed credit, in a packed crowd as they sought to process Afghans desperate to flee Taliban rule. The US then conducted a drone strike in Afghanistan that the Pentagon said killed two high-profile ISIS-K militants. After Biden warned Saturday that another attack at the airport was highly likely, a US airstrike on Sunday targeted a vehicle that military officials said was loaded with explosives posing an "imminent" threat to the airport.

In yet another apparent lurch into tragedy, a local journalist working with CNN reported that nine members of one family, including six children, were also killed in the attack.

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The American combat deaths in the final days of US involvement in the war exposed Biden to fierce criticism over a withdrawal that was nothing like the safe and orderly departure after two decades of war he promised weeks ago. Among the most pertinent of questions is why the US -- shocked by the pace of the fall of Afghanistan -- ended up effectively depending on its longtime enemy to control security on access roads to the airport, from where the US has mounted a mammoth airlift that has now rescued around 114,000 people, mostly Afghans, since August 14.

But tens of thousands of Afghans who worked with US forces, diplomats and NGOs are likely to be left behind after Biden declined pleas by US allies including Britain and France to extend his deadline for withdrawal.

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Evacuations of Afghans who did make it to the airport slowed markedly over the weekend, as the operation to extricate more of the 6,000 US troops rushed to Afghanistan after the fall of Kabul cranked into a higher gear.

Biden's national security adviser told CNN's Jake Tapper on "State of the Union" that efforts to save US citizens, residents and Afghans with US visas would go on after August 31, even though they will be at the mercy of the Taliban, amid fears the insurgent group will seek to execute many locals who worked with the United States and its allies over 20 years.

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"August 31st is not a cliff. After August 31st, we believe that we have substantial leverage to hold the Taliban to its commitments to allow safe passage for American citizens, legal permanent residents and the Afghan allies who have travel documentation to come to the United States," National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan told Tapper. "We will use that leverage to the maximum extent, and we will work with the rest of the international community to make sure the Taliban does not falter on these commitments."

Republicans lash out at Biden over Afghanistan withdrawal

The political fallout from the Afghanistan withdrawal continues to mount. House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy signaled he will put the events of recent days at the center of his effort to seize back the House for the GOP in midterm elections next year.

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"The President is preparing to leave Americans and allies we made distinct promises to behind. Indeed, he admitted last week 'getting every single person out cannot be guaranteed,'" McCarthy said in a letter to his members Sunday.

"Frankly, this is not the tested leadership the President promised. Political decisions designed to get photo ops lead to fatal national security consequences on the battlefield. It was a political decision to act in haste days prior to the anniversary of September 11 — and our men and women in uniform died as a result," McCarthy charged. His attacks ignored the fact that the stage for the chaotic withdrawal was set by ex-President Donald Trump's deal with the Taliban last year for the exit of US troops that envisaged a final departure of May 1, even earlier than Biden's deadline.

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Yet sitting Presidents carry the can for their decisions, and the current commander in chief reversed many of Trump's other most controversial foreign policy strategies but stuck with the core principle of the withdrawal. Biden's defenders argue he is being blamed for the failures of three previous administrations in Afghanistan. But the President was on the record promising that the kind of chaos that ensued in recent weeks would not occur as American troops leave.

As he turned to Hurricane Ida, the President said he had spent the weekend talking to governors of Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana. His White House team has been talking to state, local and federal officials in the region.

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As ghoulish as it sounds, the hurricane may give the President the chance to demonstrate the organized, compassionate leadership that was so lacking as Trump all but ignored the pandemic for months in his final year in office and that was missing from his own handling of the Afghanistan withdrawal.

But it is also a time of significant political peril as the focus of the country and the media turns from a disaster abroad to another one at home.

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Biden ripped for apparently glancing at watch during ceremony for fallen troops

President Biden has come under fire for apparently glancing at his watch during a solemn ceremony at Dover Air Force Base in Delaware for the 13 US troops killed in the terror attack near the Kabul airport.

Biden and first lady Jill Biden were at the airport for a “dignified transfer” ceremony, a somber military ritual of receiving the bodies of fallen service members who died in foreign combat.

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During the event, he placed his right hand to his chest as the flag-draped coffins were carried off the Air Force C-17 Globemaster plane.

But at one point, the commander-in-chief appeared to cast a furtive glance at his watch before putting his arms behind his back, prompting criticisms from veterans, Republican politicians and conservative commentators.

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“Looks like he was being inconvenienced by having to show some respect for these American Heros [sic],” Samuel Williams, a disabled US Army veteran, said on Twitter.

“It’s true. Joe Biden checked his watch during the dignified transfer of the servicemembers killing in Afghanistan at the airport,” columnist Nicholas Fondacaro wrote.

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“You can see him jerk his left hand to pull the watch out from under his sleeve, then look down at it,” he added.

Former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee wrote: “Many of us remember Pres Bush 41 checking his watch during a debate and how awful it looked (even though we all felt same way about that debate.) But this is shocking and will be remembered.”

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Foreign policy analyst Nile Gardiner, director of the Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom at The Heritage Foundation, said that “there is nothing more important than paying your respects to America’s fallen war heroes, Mr. President.”

Former White House doctor Rep. Ronny Jackson (R-Texas) said in a tweet:
“Apparently our Commander-in-Chief has better things to do than honor the 13 service members who died on his watch?

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“I’m DISGUSTED! God bless these heroes and their loved ones. They deserved better,” he added.

The 13 troops who were killed in Kabul had been assisting with the evacuation of Americans and Afghans after the swift fall of the country’s government.

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Among the casualties were 11 Marines, one Navy corpsman and one Army soldier.

The victims ranged in age from 20 to 31, including 23-year-old Marine Sgt. Nicole Gee, who was captured last week in a photo cooing over an Afghan infant.

JOE BIDEN’S CRISIS MOMENT HAS ARRIVED

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To call Joe Biden’s last few weeks a rough stretch would be an understatement. COVID, once under control, has surged. His withdrawal from Afghanistan, while broadly supported, has been a poorly-executed fiasco. A hurricane—now tropical storm—is bearing down on Louisiana with devastating consequences. And his approval ratings are slipping, with the president now polling at an average of 47 percent. Not all of the crises playing out on his watch are directly his fault; the pandemic in particular is being prolonged not by Biden administration mismanagement, but by the rise of a more infectious coronavirus mutation, vaccine holdouts, and the culture war politics of Republicans like Ron DeSantis. But the confluence of events has created a pivotal moment for the president as his administration scrambles to balance its priorities.

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Of course, Biden does bear responsibility for the chaotic conclusion to America’s two-decade war in Afghanistan, which has led even some Democrats to distance themselves from him in recent days. “It is clear to me that it was long past time to end the U.S. military presence in Afghanistan, and that we could not continue to put American servicemembers in danger for an unwinnable war,” Pennsylvania Representative Susan Wild said in a statement last week after a terrorist attack in Kabul left scores dead, including thirteen American troops. “At the same time, it appears that the evacuation process has been egregiously mishandled.”

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Biden entered office with strong overall approval and maintained it through the first months of his presidency thanks to a series of early policy wins, an accelerated vaccine rollout that temporarily brought the pandemic to heel, and a return to more traditional U.S. leadership after four tumultuous years under Donald Trump. But a grim mood has gripped the country in the final weeks of summer, and what appeared to be stable approval ratings have been shaken by several twining crises. That has presented a political problem for some Democrats, particularly those like Wild in swing states and districts. As Axios reported Sunday, Wild, a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, has made a point not to blame Biden entirely for the collapse of Afghanistan, as some Republicans have; indeed, the unraveling is the result of decisions made by four presidents now. But Wild made clear in her statement last week that she expects the Biden administration to answer for “what went wrong” in the withdrawal. “Our troops deserve nothing less than a complete and unvarnished account of the truth,” she wrote.

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While it is unclear how long the dip in approval will last—or how much of the waning support has to do with the Afghanistan exit—the fallout could have implications for the rest of Biden’s agenda, as the Washington Post’s Philip Bump noted last week. “If you’re a moderate Democrat looking to be reelected in a purple district, a drop in Biden’s approval rating means you may feel compelled to start using that as your lens for making decisions about how you vote on legislation,” he observed. Moreover, as Politico observed on Monday, the month of August was supposed to be devoted to promoting Biden’s economic agenda included in Congressional Democrats’ .5 trillion bill: In early August, a White House official touted to us “a massive push throughout the month to promote President Biden’s Build Back Better agenda and highlight the success of the President’s first six months in office.” Cabinet officials would be fanning out across the country to sell the plan. Over the last two weeks that’s gone as one would expect, with high-profile visits knocked off front pages and TV news coverage of the events reframed around Afghanistan coverage.

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All this presents a problem for Biden—and potentially for his party—as midterm elections approach. But of course, what’s playing out right now in Afghanistan is far more than a political problem; it’s a humanitarian crisis 20 years in the making that has the administration, lawmakers, and others scrambling to evacuate Americans and Afghan allies as Tuesday’s withdrawal deadline approaches. Some have urged the president, who acknowledged last week that it may not be possible to rescue everyone before the exit date, to remain as long as it takes to finish. “We must complete this mission, regardless of any arbitrary deadlines,” Democratic Senator Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire said last week. But Biden has remained resolute, and the administration has shifted focus from evacuations to completing the exit, as Politico reported Monday. “The hardest part is just the sense of helplessness,” Democratic Representative Eric Swalwell told the Associated Press last week. “We’re seeing all of this, you know, anxiety, and we can’t do enough.”

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Is Joe Biden repeating the mistakes of the past in Afghanistan? Catholic commentators weigh in.

President Biden’s speech on Aug. 26, hours after an attack by suicide bombers at the airport in Kabul, was an opportunity for Catholics to reflect on the past 20 years of American involvement in Afghanistan. Reactions to the speech were mixed, with one veteran saying that the president rose to the occasion at a time of national mourning but a former America editor expressing discomfort with Mr. Biden’s promise to “hunt down” those associated with the attack.

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While several academics agreed with Mr. Biden’s decision to withdraw troops from Afghanistan, one lamented that we seem to be living a “rerun” of the end of the Vietnam War, and another said that Mr. Biden was not improving on President Donald Trump’s “clumsy efforts” to end U.S. military involvement.

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Some praised the president for the speech overall. Peter Lucier, a Marine veteran and writer, said he was grateful for Mr. Biden’s words in tribute of the U.S. troops and Afghans killed during the effort to evacuate people from Kabul, saying, “They did not go to fight a war. They went to save lives.” Of Mr. Biden’s speech, he said, “In a time of national mourning, his invocation of Isaiah captured perfectly what I had struggled to put to words: These men and women said ‘Send me.’ There are no better words to capture the heroism of those who gave their lives to assist in this mission.”

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For Drew Christiansen, S.J., a professor at Georgetown University and former America editor-in-chief, the speech was “a model of plain-spoken eloquence delivered with genuine, deeply felt emotion.”

But Daniel Philpott, a professor at Notre Dame University, while describing the speech as an “emotional and solemn tribute to the American soldiers who died in Kabul,” painted the challenge that nevertheless will persist after the United States withdraws its troops: “The Taliban will continue to harbor terrorists who will pursue attacks upon U.S. soldiers and civilians. It will continue to repress the religious freedom of Afghanistan citizens, including that of Muslims, Christians and members of other faiths. It will continue to deny women the opportunity to develop their talents. Religion will continue to matter in international affairs. Therefore, we will have to develop new strategies to defend our security and protect human rights.”

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Phil Klay, a Marine veteran, professor at Fairfield University and writer, agreed that Afghanistan will continue to be an important focus of U.S. military policy. He wrote to America: “I have concerns about the shift in the war that Biden is signaling, and it is more correct to call the withdrawal a shift in the nature of the war than an end of the war, since he made absolutely clear that the counter-terror mission will continue. I did support the withdrawal, and still support it. But the way that America wages war now, in which we heavily rely on drones and special operators, in which we reserve the right to kill people around the world with extremely limited congressional oversight and very little transparency to the American public, disturbs me. These are long-running concerns for me, though, and [they] cross administrations.”

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Joseph Capizzi, professor of moral theology at Catholic University of America, told America that, “Whatever one thinks of America's 20 years in Afghanistan, it is both a moral and political truth [that] our time there created obligations to Afghan allies who bravely assisted all aspects of our lengthy mission in their country…. No one could possibly be reassured by [President Biden’s] claim that upon our departure ‘we will find them and get them out.’ We're witnessing in slow motion the colossal failure of evacuating thousands absent sufficient American and allied forces to guarantee civilian safety. How could this get better when the few remaining troops are gone?”

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Scott Appleby, a professor and dean at the Keough School of Global Affairs at Notre Dame who has worked with military and intelligence agency officials for over 20 years, wrote, “One view that I have heard consistently across the years, whoever the president was at the time, is frustration with the lack of clarity about our mission in Afghanistan, beyond the immediate response to the attacks of 9/11—its concrete goals and its precise role within U.S. grand strategy globally.”

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For Tom Reese, S.J., political scientist, a senior analyst for Religion News Service and another former America editor-in-chief, the situation in Afghanistan “looks like a rerun.” Father Reese argues that the United States made “the same mistakes that we made in Vietnam…. We did not understand the history and culture of the country, we allied ourselves with corrupt political elites, we trained an army that could not stand up by itself, our generals and politicians lied to Congress and the American people about progress being made, and while we talked about winning minds and hearts, our military tactics [and] arrogance alienated the locals.”

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Father Reese’s comments articulate a common view that the evacuation in Afghanistan, while not reflecting well upon Mr. Biden, speaks to broader patterns in U.S. history. Mr. Appleby, for instance, wrote America that while “Joe Biden consistently criticized this approach to Afghanistan as a Senator; as President, he surprised few close observers by following through on Trump's clumsy efforts to end our military presence in the country.” But he also argued: “That our withdrawal has been marked by chaos of its own, unnecessary loss of innocent lives, and the crippling of the hopes of millions of Afghan women and men, says less about the wisdom of Biden’s basic decision to withdraw, and more about the moral hazards and self-defeating hubris of American military overreach. Sadly, our nation has fallen into the trap identified by Clausewitz’s dictum that ‘War is the continuation of politics by other means.’”

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Father Christiansen also noted the challenge of peace and reconciliation, and said of Mr. Biden’s speech: “??I must confess one line troubled me. Patriotically, it is quite understandable. Rhetorically, it may have been the most memorable passage in the speech. But, for a Catholic in the time of Pope Francis, for a president who receives counsel from this pope, it was jarring. ‘We will not forgive. We will not forget,’ Mr. Biden promised. ‘We will hunt you down and make you pay.’”

Father Christiansen pointed out, “As a practical matter, the U.S. is already dealing with the Taliban, relying on it to police the approaches to the airport and to permit the safe evacuation of our troops and others.” He told America that he hopes “a de facto truce” can be the “threshold to a new relationship.”

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Biden breaks promise to 'stay' in Afghanistan until every American evacuated

President Biden appears to have broken his promise to stay in Afghanistan until every American is evacuated.

Marine Corps Gen. Kenneth F. McKenzie Jr. announced Monday evening that the last of the U.S. troops stationed at the Kabul airport had left, completing the military’s drawdown in the country, even though hundreds of Americans likely remain.

McKenzie, commander of U.S. Central Command, said some American citizens who wanted to leave Afghanistan remain in country.

"We did not get everybody out that we wanted to get out," he said.

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President Joe Biden told ABC News' George Stephanopoulos during an interview on Aug. 18 that the U.S. military objective in Afghanistan was to get "everyone" out, including Americans and Afghan allies and their families.

"That's what we're doing now, that's the path we're on. And I think we'll get there," he said. "If there's American citizens left, we're gonna stay to get them all out."

A senior State Department official told Fox News on Monday that there is still a "small number" of Americans who are in Afghanistan.

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That official put the number of Americans at "below 250," adding that some additional Americans have departed Afghanistan in recent hours. The official added that the State Department is also committed to evacuating "those who worked with us," referring to Afghan "partners.

The announced end of the withdrawal comes less than a day before the official deadline agreed to by the Taliban, which was 3:29 p.m. EST Tuesday – 11:59 p.m. local time in Kabul, U.S. defense officials told Fox News.

The Taliban has said they will allow normal travel after the U.S. withdrawal is completed on Tuesday and they assume control of the airport.

| reviewsmovie | EMAIL | URL | 2021/08/31 03:26 PM | wL5kt6VQ |

President Joe Biden is struggling against an intensifying examination of his judgment, competence and even his empathy over the chaotic US exit from Afghanistan. And each attempt the administration makes to quell a furor that's tarnishing America's image only provokes more questions about its failures of planning and execution.

A defiant Biden on Wednesday rejected criticism of his leadership, as he battled the most significant self-inflicted drama of a term that he won by promising proficient government and to level with voters.

"I don't think it was a failure," the President said in an interview with George Stephanopoulos of ABC News, referring to a US pullout that sparked scenes of desperate Afghans clinging to, and falling to their deaths from, US evacuation planes.
The President had repeatedly pledged the withdrawal from the country's longest war would be orderly, deliberate and safe and that there were no circumstances that Afghanistan would suddenly fall to the Taliban.

Joe Biden's presidency is under scrutiny as never before over Afghan chaos

But in the ABC News interview he changed tack, saying there was no way the US could have left without "chaos ensuing" and that such scenes were always baked into the decision to get all troops out this year.

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Biden is failing to adequately explain why he so badly failed to predict the swift collapse of the Afghan state. And his credibility has been sullied because his confident downplaying of the risks of the withdrawal has been repeatedly confounded by events. Seven months into his term, Biden no longer gets credit simply for not being Donald Trump.

The President spoke to ABC News after details emerged from a high-level Pentagon briefing that appeared to confirm the US never had sufficient troops left in Afghanistan to facilitate the orderly, deliberate withdrawal Biden had promised. And the deeply awkward session in which Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and the nation's top military officer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen.

Mark Milley, spoke to reporters also left open the grave possibility that the US military would be unable to rescue all American citizens and potential Afghan refugees before it departs for good.

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Biden's defensiveness, imprecision and apparent changes of position hardly project confidence or competence during an extraordinarily sensitive crisis on hostile foreign soil. Anytime a commander in chief does not appear in control or is in denial of obvious developments is a moment that threatens to inflict political damage.

A changed presidency

The atmospherics around a White House that was on a roll have shifted in a matter of days.

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Just over a week ago, Biden was taking a victory lap for his unlikely feat of passing a bipartisan infrastructure deal in the Senate and also ramming a .5 trillion spending framework through the chamber. As the pandemic rebounds, his July Fourth partial declaration of independence over the virus looks like a "Mission Accomplished" moment, even if the reluctance of millions of Americans to get vaccinated has fueled its spread.

He has given Republican foes their clearest opening of a presidency in which he has been a hard political target. It may well be, if the rest of the evacuation goes smoothly, that Americans will buy Biden's argument that the chaos and collapse of Afghanistan proves the US should have left long ago.

But the GOP is seeking to bolster impressions of incompetence by hammering Biden over the pandemic, rising inflation and record southern border crossing attempts to foster a narrative of political decay. In close elections like next year's midterms, unflattering impressions that take hold among voters can be disastrous. Biden's appeal lies in his candor and competence. Both are taking a hit.

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The President's image abroad is also taking a beating. His goal of reviving US relations with allies after declaring "America is back" following the Trump administration have been complicated by dismay over the possibility that interpreters and other workers who helped US troops over 20 years could be left behind to face reprisals from the Taliban.

Questions Biden must answer

Despite Biden's efforts to portray the current situation as a simple choice between staying in Afghanistan and fighting a never-ending war, the President is not being held to account for the mistakes of the three previous administrations, whose missteps turned the war into an American failure. The Trump administration especially left Biden with some tough choices in a strategy that left the US with a skeleton garrison and poisoned relations with Kabul by negotiating with the Taliban behind the government's back.

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The issue is not even over the President's decision to leave a war that long ago lost public support.

Instead, he is being asked to answer for things that were in his power to influence: the poorly planned evacuation effort, the failure to speed up visa processing for thousands of Afghans and the missed opportunity to get US citizens out earlier.

As that pressure mounts, the President raised the possibility in the ABC News interview that the effort could stretch beyond August 31, his previous deadline.

"We're going to do everything in our power to get all Americans out and our allies out," Biden said.

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The operation at Kabul airport is cranking up, with hundreds of people leaving on flights from the US armed forces and those of other nations. But CNN reported that some of those hoping to leave were being stopped at Taliban checkpoints, reflecting the extent to which US evacuations rely on the forbearance of an enemy force.

At the Pentagon news conference, Milley and Austin inadvertently revealed the deficiencies of the US evacuation.

They said there were insufficient forces at the airport to keep its perimeter secure and to venture behind enemy lines to collect Americans or allied Afghans as they shelter from the Taliban in Kabul and elsewhere.

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"We don't have the capability to go out and collect up large numbers of people," Austin said.

Austin also said US forces would try to "deconflict" the situation with the Taliban to "create passageways for them to get to the airfield." But he also admitted he didn't have enough forces to do much more.

"I don't have the capability to go out and extend operations currently into Kabul," he said.

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Milley revealed that a lack of resources was also behind the decision to shutter the vast former US base at Bagram airfield further out of Kabul, in comments that implicitly confirmed that the forces were never in place to assure Biden's vow for an orderly withdrawal.

"If we were to keep both Bagram and the embassy going, that would be a significant number of military forces that would have exceeded what we had," he said.

"So we had to collapse one or the other, and a decision was made."

Both Milley and Austin, a retired general, appeared deeply uncomfortable at the news conference.

"This is a war that I fought in and led. I know the country. I know the people. And I know those who fought alongside me," Austin said.

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"We have a moral obligation to help those who helped us," he added. "I feel the urgency deeply."

With the Taliban celebrating an extraordinary victory over the United States, they may lack an incentive to orchestrate clashes with US forces confined to the airport. But the extent of the group's patience is unclear. And there are no guarantees its extremists will not hunt down Afghans it sees as US collaborators before they can escape to the airport.

This position of powerlessness, in which the US is at the whim of a ragtag militia, is hard for many Americans to accept, especially those who served in uniform.

Rep. Adam Kinzinger, an Illinois Republican, had harsh words for the position in which the United States now finds itself in Kabul.
"Now we are in a position where we are disgracefully begging the Taliban for permission to save Americans," Kinzinger told CNN's Jake Tapper.

An 'America First' moment

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Events of the last few days have done more than damage Biden's reputation for competency. They have also exposed as never before the cold-eyed calculation behind a foreign policy that includes some elements of the "America First" approach of Trump.

On Tuesday, Biden's national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, said it was heartbreaking that Afghan women and girls would now face repression under the Taliban. But he indicated the President chose that option over more US blood being shed in Afghanistan.

All presidents face impossible choices. And Biden is honoring his duty to protect Americans. But his chosen course and failure to speed up processing of Afghan refugees months ago, despite warnings from veterans and members of Congress, call into question his commitment to civilians who trusted the US.

Biden's harsh criticism of the Afghan Army has been particularly poorly received abroad and may damage his ability to wield US soft power.

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The President argued with reason last week that US forces should not have to fight a war that Afghan soldiers refuse to wage. But in blaming Afghans he ignored savage losses of life among armed and police forces built with US dollars, which far exceed US casualties.
His stance fueled anger in Britain's House of Commons on Wednesday, in a debate in which Prime Minister Boris Johnson faced a backlash because of his association with the US President.

Tom Tugendhat, a member who served with the British Army in Afghanistan, lambasted the US President's comments.

"To see their commander in chief call into question the courage of men I fought with, to claim they ran. It's shameful," Tugendhat said. "Those who have never fought for the colors they fly should be careful about criticizing those who have."

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Joe Biden says US troops may stay in Afghanistan beyond 31 August deadline

Joe Biden has said US troops may stay past a 31 August deadline so as to evacuate all Americans from Afghanistan, and defended the withdrawal, saying there was no way for the US to pull out “without chaos ensuing”.

As critics in the US and abroad questioned his handling of the withdrawal, the president said in his first on-camera interview since the Taliban took Kabul that troops would stay in the country to get American citizens out.

“If there’s American citizens left, we’re going to stay until we get them all out,” Biden told ABC News, implying that he would listen to US lawmakers who had pressed him to extend the 31 August deadline he had set for a final pullout.

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Asked if he thought the handling of the crisis could have gone better, Biden said: “No.”

“We’re gonna go back in hindsight and look … but the idea that somehow, there’s a way to have gotten out without chaos ensuing, I don’t know how that happens,” he told ABC’s George Stephanopoulos.

The sentiment contradicts what Biden had said weeks back, when he insisted that the “likelihood there’s going to be the Taliban overrunning everything and owning the whole country is highly unlikely”.

The speed with which Taliban forces retook Afghanistan, as US and other foreign forces withdrew, has led to continued chaotic scenes at the airport with diplomats, foreign citizens and Afghans trying to flee. They are being impeded by crowds and Taliban checkpoints, with reports of citizens being crushed and beaten by Taliban force who now control the outside of the airport.

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The US said it has evacuated nearly 6,000 people from Afghanistan since Saturday but thousands of Americans and tens of thousands of Afghans who want to leave the country remain and it is feared the slow speed of evacuations was putting lives at risk. Educated young women, former US military translators and other Afghans most at-risk from the Taliban appealed to the Biden administration to get them on evacuation flights as the United States as quickly as possible.

“If we don’t sort this out, we’ll literally be condemning people to death,” said Marina Kielpinski LeGree, the American head of nonprofit organisation Ascend.

Though the Taliban has appealed for international aid to continue to flow into the country, which currently accounts for 42.9% of GDP, the International Monetary Fund joined growing number of donors and lenders who said they would suspend funds going to Afghanistan. IMF Resources of over £268m had been set to arrive this month but an IMF spokesperson said “lack of clarity within the international community” over recognising a government in Afghanistan meant they would no longer send the funds.

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It has also emerged that classified intelligence documents from the past few weeks gave multiple warnings to the Biden administration of the prospect of an imminent Taliban takeover of Afghanistan and the likely rapid collapse of Afghan troops, with Kabul portrayed as highly vulnerable. It raises questions as to why the US administration was not better prepared for security and evacuations in the event the Taliban took control.

Biden told ABC the Taliban were cooperating in helping get Americans out of the country, but admitted “we’re having some more difficulty” in evacuating US-aligned Afghan citizens.

He said: “They’re cooperating, letting American citizens get out, American personnel get out, embassies get out, et cetera, but they’re having … we’re having some more difficulty having those who helped us when we were in there.”

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Biden appeared dismissive of images that emerged on Monday of packed US military planes taking off from Kabul airport as people clung to their sides. At least two people apparently fell to their deaths from the undercarriage soon after takeoff.

Stephanopoulos said: “We’ve all seen the pictures. We’ve seen those hundreds of people packed in a C-17. We’ve seen Afghans falling … ”
Biden interrupted and said: “That was four days ago, five days ago!”

The president was asked what he thought when he first saw those pictures. Biden replied: “What I thought was: we have to gain control of this. We have to move this more quickly. We have to move in a way in which we can take control of that airport. And we did.”

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Former Afghan president Ashraf Ghani, who fled the country of Sunday as Taliban troops entered Kabul, made his first appearance since it emerged he had been granted entry into the United Arab Emirates on “humanitarian grounds”.

Ghani, speaking in a video posted on Facebook, said he supported talks between the Taliban and former government officials, led by former president Hamid Karzai. He said he was “in talks” to return to Afghanistan and that he was making efforts to “safeguard the rule of Afghans over our country”.

Looking pale and gaunt, Ghani denied he had betrayed Afghans by fleeing and said the Taliban had entered Kabul, despite an agreement they would not.

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“Do not believe whoever tells you that your president sold you out and fled for his own advantage and to save his own life,” said Ghani. “These accusations are baseless.”

He also denied reports he had taken money with him when he fled. “I was expelled from Afghanistan in such a way that I didn’t even get the chance to take my slippers off my feet and pull on my boots,” said Ghani.

U.S. Leaves Afghanistan Aid Workers to Defend 20 Years of Progress Against Taliban


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While the U.S. military scrambles to evacuate Americans and Afghan allies from Kabul's chaotic airport, Taliban fighters are entrenching their control of the capital and reviving the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.

Those Kabulites not desperately trying to find a way out are either sheltering at home or trying to go about their daily lives, navigating heavily armed Taliban checkpoints and reported house-to-house searches for suspected collaborators.

Aid agencies that spoke with Newsweek said workers remain committed to their mission, though unsure whether the Taliban will allow them to continue operations.

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"We of all people have not got any rose-tinted glasses about these guys," Mark Malloch-Brown, the president of the Open Society Foundations, told Newsweek, though he said the group would have to subdue a more resilient Afghanistan than before.

"The progress is dramatic. It's not just that we're the defenders of it, it's a very different country to defend.

"It is much more urbanized, much more middle class, women obviously in a much more prominent public role than in the past and not confined to the homes anymore. There is a much wider set of societal barriers and firebreaks to a reversion to the 1990s."

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A sign of the international presence in Afghanistan, aid agencies and their workers have repeatedly been attacked by Taliban and Islamic State Khorasan Province fighters, and even by U.S. forces.

It remains to be seen if the Taliban will revert to the brutal authoritarianism it practiced before the U.S.-led invasion in 2001. Taliban spokesmen have said that Afghans have nothing to fear, issuing an amnesty and even encouraging women to join the new government.

Observers have suggested that the group may present a softer public image in the immediate aftermath of the fall of Kabul, wary of undermining nascent ties with powerful potential allies in Russia, China, and across the Middle East.

But recent years give little indication that the Taliban has changed. In the areas under Taliban control before the recent offensive that overwhelmed Kabul, there have been reports of executions, attacks on civilians, forced marriages, and sexual assault.

Malloch-Brown said the Open Society Foundations was working to help evacuate a "vast network" of human rights activists, democracy advocates, and women's leaders.

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"Those are people with targets painted on them," Malloch-Brown said, the number of which rose into the hundreds.

Local women's rights groups and human rights organizations are most at risk: "These are groups which are already having Taliban visits to their offices. Although from all we can tell, just at this moment, to gather names and information, not yet with any attempt in general to arrest people."

Doctors Without Borders (MSF) told Newsweek its staff have been operating across Afghanistan during the recent offensive, engaging in talks with all warring parties including the Taliban to ensure the safety of its facilities.

During the rapid Taliban advance last week, Filipe Ribeiro—MSF's country representative in Afghanistan—said intense fighting reached several MSF facilities in cities including Lashkar Gah, Kandahar, and Herat.

"We are using all possible channels to take our concerns to the parties to the conflict and make sure that the medical mission of MSF is respected," Ribero said.

The Norwegian Refugee Council told Newsweek its staff in Kabul had gone into hibernation since Taliban fighters took the city. Still, the organization hopes to continue its work protecting displaced people and providing other humanitarian aid.

NRC Afghanistan advocacy manager Eileen McCarthy said the group had been renegotiating with local authorities to continue operations as control changed from government to Taliban hands.

"States and other actors that control territory have the responsibility to meet the basic needs of their people. If they are unable or unwilling, they should give access to humanitarian actors instead," McCarthy said.

"For the past two decades, Afghanistan has remained one of the most dangerous places for humanitarian workers. Local Afghan humanitarian employees have been the hardest hit, but expatriate aid workers have also been frequently targeted.

"As the security situation deteriorates across the country, the safety and wellbeing of our staff is our number one priority."

Half of NRC's expatriate staff are working remotely, though before the Taliban offensive they were still rotating in and out of the country frequently.

"NRC Afghanistan is committed to staying and delivering assistance to millions of people in need," McCarthy said.

"While Afghanistan remains one of the world's most dangerous countries for us to operate in, it is more important than ever that aid agencies can reach communities.

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"We also need parties to conflict to ensure that our teams and humanitarian assets such as our aid offices and vehicles are respected. We also require assurances that humanitarian aid operations are permitted to continue as needs soar across the country."

Taliban's Lightning Afghan Advance Could Win Billions in U.S. WeaponsREAD MORETaliban's Lightning Afghan Advance Could Win Billions in U.S. Weapons
Save the Children Afghanistan's director of communications, Athena Rayburn, told Newsweek that operations are currently on pause "as we assess the situation."

"We plan to resume the full spectrum of our services as soon as it is safe to do so. We have been working in Afghanistan since 1976 and have had provincial offices in locations that have been under Taliban control for the duration of that time," Rayburn said.

"Last year we directly reached just under 1.7 million Afghan's across the country with lifesaving health, education, child protection and nutrition services, including 600,000 children.

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"Our commitment to staying and delivering for the people of Afghanistan remains unchanged, the children of Afghanistan must not be abandoned by the international community.

"What is needed now is for the international community to step up and ensure continued funding for humanitarian services in Afghanistan and protect Afghanistan, and Afghan children from further conflict and violence."

Malloch-Brown said that the remaining humanitarian organizations could be key in pressuring the Taliban not to return to the worst abuses of their previous rule.

The United Nations, too, must step in to fill the void, he added: "The actually pretty moribund, useless UN Security Council of recent years is a platform to replace the US-NATO platform in terms of international engagement, to get some purchase on the direction of political events going forward in the country."

The historic Taliban press conference in Kabul on Tuesday was carefully choreographed for the international community.

Spokesmen assured observers that women would be safe—if they adhered to the Taliban interpretation of Sharia law—and that those previously loyal to the Afghan government would not be punished.

"It seems really an opportune time to get together and try and condition a new Afghan government to respect human rights...to engage with the international community. The risk is that if we don't it will just be Taliban mark 2," Malloch-Brown said.

| reviewsmovie | EMAIL | URL | 2021/08/20 12:00 AM | BT/E0mpA |

If Donald Trump were presiding over the debacle in Afghanistan, the US foreign policy establishment would be loudly condemning the irresponsibility and immorality of American strategy. Since it is Joe Biden in the White House there is instead, largely, an embarrassed silence.

It is true that Trump set the US on the path out of Afghanistan and began the delusional peace talks with the Taliban that have gone nowhere. But rather than reverse the withdrawal of troops, Biden accelerated it.

The horrific results are unfolding on the ground in Afghanistan, as the Taliban take city after city. The final collapse of the government looks inevitable. It may come just in time for the 20th anniversary of the 9/11 attacks that originally led to the US-led invasion of Afghanistan.

Joe Biden’s credibility has been shredded in Afghanistan

Earlier this week, Biden was channelling Edith Piaf, claiming he had no regrets about pulling the rug out from under the Afghan government. Last month, the president was still insisting that the “likelihood there’s going to be the Taliban overrunning everything and owning the whole country is highly unlikely”. Who knows what he will be saying next month? And, frankly, who cares? On Afghanistan, Biden’s credibility is now shot.

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The broader strategic question is what the unfolding disaster in Afghanistan will do for US credibility around the world. Discussing the situation there as a question of high global politics feels distasteful while a tragedy unfolds on the ground. But, beyond simple war-weariness, Biden’s principal justification for the Afghan withdrawal was strategic. In recent remarks, he argued that the US cannot “remain tethered” to policies created in response “to a world as it was 20 years ago. We need to meet the threats where they are today.” The first threat that Biden identified was “the strategic competition with China”.

So how does America’s defeat in Afghanistan — in reality, a defeat for the entire western alliance — play into the growing rivalry between Washington and Beijing?

The US failure makes it much harder for Biden to push his core message that “America is back”. By contrast, it fits perfectly with two key messages pushed by the Chinese (and Russian) governments. First, that US power is in decline. Second, that American security guarantees cannot be relied upon.

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If the US will not commit to a fight against the Taliban, there will be a question mark over whether America would really be willing to go to war with China or Russia. Yet America’s global network of alliances is based on the idea that, in the last resort, US troops would indeed be deployed to defend their allies in Asia, Europe and elsewhere.

China is already the dominant economic power in east Asia. But most Asian democracies look to the US as their main security partner. So it is very helpful to Beijing if Washington’s credibility is undermined. Of course, the situations and stakes in Taiwan or the South China Sea are different from those in Afghanistan. But events there will still resonate around the world.

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The direct consequences for Beijing of US withdrawal from Afghanistan, which borders China, will be less welcome. The Chinese regime has adopted policies of mass internment and repression in Muslim-majority Xinjiang. The idea of the Uyghurs receiving support from a fundamentalist Taliban government will raise concerns in Beijing. So will the potential threat of terrorist bases in Afghanistan.

In time, China might face a classical superpower’s dilemma. Is it better to intervene militarily in turbulent Afghanistan, or to leave the country to its own devices? As Andrew Small of the European Council on Foreign Relations points out, Chinese commentary on Afghanistan is already replete with references to the country as the “graveyard of empires”.

In Washington, the parallel that will be uppermost in the minds of policymakers is Vietnam. There are already reports that America is trying to persuade the Taliban not to storm the US embassy in Kabul in order to avoid a repetition of the scenes when Saigon fell in 1975. Last month, Biden insisted that the “Taliban is not the North Vietnamese army. They’re not remotely comparable in terms of capability.” He may come to regret those words.

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The Americans know, however, that if they decide to pull out the last remnants of the US presence in Kabul, they will be in effect signing the death warrant of the Afghan government. The collapse in morale which has already led to successive defeats for the Afghan army across the country would become irreversible. But, in truth, the situation already looks all but irrecoverable.

Unlike the Afghan government, however, the US administration has a few straws of hope to cling to. The end of the Vietnam war was indeed a debacle. Many questioned American power in its aftermath. But within fourteen years of the fall of Saigon, the cold war was over, and the west had won.

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In the end, the struggle between the American and Soviet systems turned not on events in Vietnam but on the relative strengths of the two countries’ domestic economies and political systems. The current rivalry between the US and China may be determined in the same way. But that abstract thought is little comfort to the beleaguered people of Afghanistan.

Joe Biden Can’t Escape Fallout From Afghanistan

I can’t speak to the foreign-policy implications of the collapse of government forces in Afghanistan, or the consequences for the Afghan people. I can talk a little about what’s at stake for President Joe Biden.

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To begin with: It’s very unlikely that there will be any direct public-opinion effect, and if there is it will almost certainly be short-lived. It’s even less likely that the Taliban’s resurgence will have any effect on the 2022 midterms, let alone the 2024 presidential election. Republicans may try to make “Who lost Afghanistan?” an election theme, but there’s virtually no evidence that voters care about such things. Normally, the only thing in foreign policy and national security that seems to have an effect is when troops die in combat.

This doesn’t mean that Biden has nothing at stake. A president’s reputation affects how much influence he or she has. Biden brought some advantages with him to the White House in this regard; his experience, in the Senate and as vice president, almost certainly meant that most people were willing to give him the benefit of the doubt — something that Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama and Donald Trump would have to (and often did not) earn.

The situation in Afghanistan puts Biden’s reputation for foreign-policy expertise at risk. Indeed, it’s not just the facts on the ground there that matter. Biden has consistently set expectations high, and has done very little to make a public case that the Afghan government’s collapse was a risk worth taking. Given the strong chances that things would work out as they have, that seems like a real mistake.

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There’s more than that. One of the ways that presidents gain influence is by earning a reputation as a winner, and one of the ways they do that is, well, by having a string of wins. In some ways this is simple. The more people Biden deals with — in the executive branch, in Congress, in state and local governments, in the private sector, and more — think of Afghanistan as a fiasco, the less likely they are to assume that Biden will win future battles. And that will make them less likely to act accordingly.

That said, there were plenty of downside risks to other policy options as well. That Biden may have sold his choices badly matters, but it doesn’t mean they weren’t the least-bad decisions available. Indeed, if Biden was committed to pulling all U.S. troops out of Afghanistan, it may be better for him to get it over with early in his presidency — and, to be blunt, perhaps he’s better off having the government fall now, if it had to happen at some point.

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All of this may sound cynical. But the job that Biden signed up for, as the political scientist Richard Neustadt explained long ago, requires a certain amount of cold calculation — specifically, about how to help his own political situation and expand his influence. Otherwise, the president can only fall back on the formal powers of the office, which aren’t sufficient to get very much done. That’s bad for the president, and also for the nation.

Rush of troops to Kabul tests Biden’s withdrawal deadline

The last-minute decision to send 3,000 U.S. troops to Afghanistan to help partially evacuate the U.S. Embassy is calling into question whether President Joe Biden will meet his Aug. 31 deadline for fully withdrawing combat forces. The vanguard of a Marine contingent arrived in Kabul on Friday and most of the rest of the 3,000 are due by Sunday.

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Officials have stressed that the newly arriving troops’ mission is limited to assisting the airlift of embassy personnel and Afghan allies, and they expect to complete it by month’s end. But they might have to stay longer if the embassy is threatened by a Taliban takeover of Kabul by then. On Friday the Taliban seemed nearly within reach of contesting the capital.

“Clearly from their actions, it appears as if they are trying to get Kabul isolated,” Pentagon spokesman John Kirby said, referring to the Taliban’s speedy and efficient takedown of major provincial capitals across the country in recent days.

Biden had given the Pentagon until Aug. 31 to complete the withdrawal of the 2,500 to 3,000 troops that were in Afghanistan when he announced in April that he was ending U.S. involvement in the war. That number has dropped to just under 1,000, and all but about 650 are scheduled to be gone by the end of the month; the 650 are to remain to help protect the U.S. diplomatic presence, including with aircraft and defensive weapons at Kabul airport.

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But Thursday’s decision to dispatch 3,000 fresh troops to the airport adds a new twist to the U.S. withdrawal. There is no discussion of rejoining the war, but the number of troops needed for security will depend on decisions about keeping the embassy open and the extent of a Taliban threat to the capital in coming days.

Having the Aug. 31 deadline pass with thousands of U.S. troops in the country would be awkward for Biden given his insistence on ending the 20-year U.S. war by that date. Republicans have already criticized the withdrawal as a mistake and ill-planned, though there’s little political appetite by either party to send fresh troops to fight the Taliban.

Kirby declined to discuss any assessment of whether the Taliban are likely soon to converge on Kabul, but the urgent movement of extra U.S. troops into Afghanistan to assist the embassy drawdown is clear evidence of Washington’s worry that after the rapid fall of major cities this week with relatively little Afghan government resistance, Kabul is endangered.

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Kirby reiterated the Biden administration’s assertion that Afghan security forces have tangible advantages over the insurgents, including a viable air force and superior numbers. The statement serves to highlight the fact that what the Afghan forces lack is motivation to fight in a circumstance where the Taliban seem to have decisive momentum.

Stephen Biddle, a professor of international and public affairs at Columbia University, said in an interview the announcement that 3,000 U.S. troops are heading to Kabul to help pull out American diplomats and embassy staff likely made Afghan morale even worse.

“The message that sent to Afghans is: ‘The city of Kabul is going to fall so fast that we can’t organize an orderly withdrawal from the embassy,’” Biddle said. This suggests to Afghans that the Americans see little future for the government and that “this place could be toast within hours.”

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Kirby said lead “elements” of a Marine battalion arrived in Kabul on Friday as the U.S. speeds up evacuation flights for some American diplomats and thousands of Afghans. The rest of that battalion and two others are due in coming days.

The Pentagon also was moving an additional 4,500 to 5,000 troops to bases in the Gulf countries of Qatar and Kuwait, including 1,000 to Qatar to speed up visa processing for Afghan translators and others who fear retribution from the Taliban for their past work with Americans, and their family members.

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The remainder — 3,500 to 4,000 troops from a combat brigade of the 82nd Airborne Division at Fort Bragg, North Carolina — were preparing Friday to depart for Kuwait “in very short order.” Kirby said the combat troops would be a reserve force on standby for whatever mission might be required in Kabul.

The temporary buildup of troops for U.S. evacuations highlights the stunning pace of the Taliban takeover of much of the country.

Friday’s latest significant blow was the Taliban capture of the capital of Helmand province, where American, British and other allied NATO forces fought some of the bloodiest battles in the past 20 years. Hundreds of Western troops died there during the course of the war, in fighting that often succeeded in knocking back Taliban fighters locally, only to have the Taliban move back in when a Western unit rotated out.

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The State Department said the embassy in Kabul will remain partially staffed and functioning, but Thursday’s decision to evacuate a significant number of embassy staff and bring in the thousands of additional U.S. troops is a sign of waning confidence in the Afghan government’s ability to hold off the Taliban surge. The Biden administration has not ruled out a full embassy evacuation or possibly relocating embassy operations to the Kabul airport.

There are a little over 4,000 personnel still at the embassy; the State Department has not said how many are being pulled out in the next two weeks.

The Biden administration warned Taliban officials directly that the U.S. would respond if the Taliban attacked Americans during the stepped-up deployments and evacuations.

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Americans are preparing a military base abroad to receive and house large numbers of those Afghan translators and others as their visa applications are processed. The Biden administration has not identified the base, but earlier was talking with both Kuwait and Qatar about using U.S. bases there for the temporary relocations. State Department spokesman Ned Price said the U.S. soon will have evacuation planes flying out daily, for those Afghan translators and others who manage to reach the Kabul airport despite the fighting.

US keeping distance as Afghan forces face Taliban rout

Afghan government forces are collapsing even faster than U.S. military leaders thought possible just a few months ago when President Joe Biden ordered a full withdrawal. But there’s little appetite at the White House, the Pentagon or among the American public for trying to stop the rout and it probably is too late to do so.

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Biden has made clear he has no intention of reversing the decision he made last spring, even as the outcome seems to point toward a Taliban takeover. With most U.S. troops now gone and the Taliban accelerating their battlefield gains, American military leaders are not pressing him to change his mind. They know that the only significant option would be for the president to restart the war he already decided to end.

The Taliban, who ruled the country from 1996 until U.S. forces invaded after the 9/11 attacks, captured three more provincial capitals Wednesday and another two on Thursday, the 10th and 11th the insurgents have taken in a weeklong sweep that has given them effective control of about two-thirds of the country. The insurgents have no air force and are outnumbered by U.S.-trained Afghan defense forces, but they have captured territory, including the country’s third-largest city, Herat, with stunning speed.

In a new warning to Americans in Afghanistan, the second it has issued since Saturday, the U.S. Embassy in Kabul on Thursday again urged U.S. citizens to leave immediately. The advisory was released amid increasing discussions in Washington about further reducing already limited staff at the embassy.

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John Kirby, the chief Pentagon spokesman, said the Afghans still have time to save themselves from final defeat.

“No potential outcome has to be inevitable, including the fall of Kabul,” Kirby told reporters. “It doesn’t have to be that way. It really depends on what kind of political and military leadership the Afghans can muster to turn this around.”

Biden made a similar point a day earlier, telling reporters that U.S. troops had done all they could over the past 20 years to assist the Afghans.

“They’ve got to fight for themselves, fight for their nation,” he said.

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The United States continues to support the Afghan military with limited airstrikes, but those have not made a strategic difference thus far and are scheduled to end when the U.S. formally ends its role in the war on Aug. 31. Biden could continue airstrikes beyond that date, but given his firm stance on ending the war, that seems unlikely.

“My suspicion, my strong suspicion, is that the 31st of August timeline’s going to hold,” said Carter Malkasian, who advised U.S. military leaders in Afghanistan and Washington.

Senior U.S. military officials had cautioned Biden that a full U.S. withdrawal could lead to a Taliban takeover, but the president decided in April that continuing the war was a waste. He said Tuesday that his decision holds, even amid talk that the Taliban could soon be within reach of Kabul, threatening the security of U.S. and other foreign diplomats.

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The most recent American military assessment, taking into account the Taliban’s latest gains, says Kabul could be under insurgent pressure by September and that the country could fall entirely to Taliban control within a couple of months, according to a defense official who discussed the internal analysis Wednesday on condition of anonymity.

Officials said there has been no decision or order for an evacuation of American diplomatic personnel from Afghanistan. But one official said it is now time for serious conversations about whether the U.S. military should begin to move assets into the region to be ready in case the State Department calls for a sudden evacuation.

Kirby declined to discuss any evacuation planning, but one congressional official said a recent National Security Council meeting had discussed preliminary planning for a potential evacuation of the U.S. Embassy but came to no conclusions.

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Any such plan would involve identifying U.S. troops, aircraft and other assets that may have to operate from within Afghanistan or nearby areas. The U.S. already has warships in the region, including the USS Ronald Reagan aircraft carrier and the USS Iwo Jima amphibious ready group with the 24th Marine Expeditionary Unit aboard.

Military officials watching the deteriorating situation said that so far the Taliban haven’t taken steps to threaten Kabul. But it isn’t clear if the Taliban will wait until they have gained control of the bulk of the country before attempting to seize the capital.

Military commanders have long warned that it would be a significant challenge for the Afghan military to hold off the Taliban through the end of the year. In early May, shortly after Biden announced his withdrawal decision, Gen. Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said he foresaw “some really dramatic, bad possible outcomes” in a worst-case scenario. He held out hope that the government would unify and hold off the Taliban, and said the outcome could clarify by the end of the summer.

The security of the U.S. diplomatic corps has been talked about for months, even before the Taliban’s battlefield blitz. The military has long had various planning options for evacuating personnel from Afghanistan. Those options would largely be determined by the White House and the State Department.

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A key component of the options would be whether the U.S. military would have unfettered access to the Kabul international airport, allowing personnel to be flown systematically out of the capital. In a grimmer environment, American forces might have to fight their way in and out if the Taliban have infiltrated the city.

The U.S. also would have to determine who would be evacuated: just American embassy personnel and the U.S. military, or also other embassies, American citizens, and Afghans who worked with the U.S. In that last category are former interpreters and those who face retaliation from the Taliban. The U.S. has already started pulling out hundreds of those Afghans who assisted troops during the war.

Senior defense leaders have been talking and meeting daily, laying out their grim assessments of the security situation in Afghanistan. Officials pointed to the fall of Baghlan Province as a worrisome bellwether, because it provides the Taliban with a base and route to Kabul from the north.

AS AFGHANISTAN UNRAVELS, BIDEN’S FOREIGN POLICY AGENDA FACES ITS FIRST REAL TEST

For two decades, the War in Afghanistan has played out as a low hum in the background of American life: always there, but easy for much of the population, and its political leaders, to look past. But with the country’s quick descent into chaos after the United States pull-out, the conflict has come roaring back onto front pages. The “forgotten war,” as it’s frequently called, can no longer be ignored.

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The possibility—perhaps likelihood—that the Taliban could seize control of Afghanistan after U.S. forces left was evident last month when Joe Biden announced his decision. But the rate of the country’s collapse has nevertheless been jarring. Government forces, in which Biden had expressed confidence, are losing control of the country, and the Taliban, which the president has acknowledged is at its “strongest” point in decades, is making rapid gains. Its insurgents have taken more than a dozen provincial capitals, including Kandahar, the second-largest city in the country, in a matter of days. Morale among Afghan security forces is plummeting, with CNN reporting that some soldiers have simply abandoned their posts and changed into civilian clothes. In a reflection of the grim state of affairs, the U.S. on Thursday hurried 3,000 troops to the country to partially evacuate its embassy in Kabul.

Officials insist that America is maintaining a diplomatic presence in Afghanistan. “This is not a wholesale withdrawal,” State Department Spokesman Ned Price told reporters. “What this is is a reduction in the size of our civilian footprint.” But the extraordinary move underscores the efficiency with which the Taliban has overrun the country, and the apparent inability of government forces to hold the line. “This is a group that up until just a few months ago was an underground insurgency,” Ward reported Friday morning. “And now, it holds a vast amount of territory on the ground, and because that’s happened so quickly, you do have to ask the question about how quickly could Kabul fall.”

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The rapidly unraveling situation has drawn dire comparisons in the media: In the New Yorker, Susan Glasser quoted an expert who wondered whether this was “going to be Biden’s Rwanda,” referring to the genocide that ravaged the east African nation in the 1990s. Several observers likened the situation to the fall of Saigon. Critics of the planned withdrawal fumed at Biden, all but saying told you so. “President Biden’s strategy has turned an imperfect but stable situation into a major embarrassment and a global emergency in a matter of weeks,” Mitch McConnell said. “[Biden] is finding that the quickest way to end a war is to lose it.”

It’s hard to put it all on Biden. A war that drags out over two decades and four presidencies is not lost overnight, and there were decisions at other points in the conflict that could have averted the situation currently unfolding.

But it is equally hard to overstate the scale of the crisis that has gripped the country in recent days, one with grave implications for residents of the destabilized nation. “[I’m] counting down my last times in this world,” one resident of Herat, Afghanistan’s third-largest city, told NBC News. Biden, for his part, has made clear that he believes the U.S. cannot be permanently responsible for maintaining order, and that it’s up to the Afghan government to “fight for themselves, fight for their nation,” as he put it earlier this week. According to Axios, the deteriorating conditions on the ground have not altered his position.

Ending America’s 20-year war in Afghanistan, as Biden’s two immediate predecessors each vowed to do, was always going to be messy. But officials, including Joint Chiefs of Staff chairman Mark Milley, seemed unprepared for just how bad things could get—and how quickly. “There’s going to be no circumstance where you’ll see people being lifted off the roof of an embassy of the United States from Afghanistan,” Biden said earlier this summer, rejecting comparisons to the end of the Vietnam War. “I do not see that unfolding,” Milley said in June. “I may be wrong, who knows, you can’t predict the future, but I don’t see Saigon 1975 in Afghanistan. The Taliban just aren’t the North Vietnamese army. It’s not that kind of situation.”

| jajang haji | EMAIL | URL | 2021/08/14 08:07 PM | MZOAHX2M |

President Joe Biden’s bipartisan infrastructure deal cleared its final serious Senate hurdle Sunday night, putting the legislation on a glide path to passage as soon as late Monday.

In a 68-29 vote, the Senate closed down debate on a bill negotiated by a bipartisan group of 10 senators that spends 0 billion in new money on the nation’s physical infrastructure. Sunday’s vote came after senators spent the weekend haggling over amendments and time agreements to consider them.

Final passage of the legislation is expected late Monday night, or the wee hours of Tuesday at the latest, unless a deal is reached among all 100 senators to speed it up. A 50-hour budget debate and an unlimited "vote-a-rama" on nonbinding but politically symbolic topics will follow immediately after.

Joe Biden infrastructure bill on cruise control to Senate passage

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"We will move forward to wrap this up as expeditiously as possible, and then move on to the budget resolution," said Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer after the vote. "The two-track process is moving along. It's been a process that has been a very good process. It's taken a while, but it's going to be worth it."

A total of 18 Senate Republicans, including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, joined all 50 Senate Democrats to advance the physical infrastructure bill. Sens. Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska) and Roger Wicker (R-Miss.) supported ending debate, after previously voting against moving forward.

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Meanwhile, Sen. Todd Young (R-Ind.), who is up for reelection in 2022, announced he would oppose the bill, citing concerns about the national debt. Young was part of a larger group of 20 senators that supported the bipartisan infrastructure talks.

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Prior to the vote Sunday evening, senators spent the weekend trying to negotiate amendments changing the infrastructure bill’s cryptocurrency regulations and allowing coronavirus aid money to be spent on infrastructure. But they did not reach an agreement.

Sen. Bill Hagerty (R-Tenn.) said Saturday that he would not allow the infrastructure bill to pass more quickly, dampening the Democratic majority’s enthusiasm for allowing the GOP to have more amendment votes. The Senate has considered more than 20 amendments to the bill thus far, but attempts to vote on two dozen more fell apart on Thursday night after Hagerty refused to expedite the bill as a condition of the deal.

Hagerty on Sunday afternoon attempted to bring up 17 amendments by unanimous consent, but Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.) objected, citing his refusal to come to a time agreement and potential objections from other senators.

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Other GOP senators also tried unsuccessfully on Sunday to bring up their own amendments.

“We have wasted all day Thursday, Saturday and now through Sunday,” said an exasperated Sen. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa). “That’s enough time to vote on a multitude of amendments, and we just sat around those three days, accomplishing nothing.”

Grassley voted against ending debate Sunday, citing his complaints about the amendment process. However, he told reporters after that he'd still support final passage. The infrastructure bill could theoretically be amended after Sunday’s vote. But that would require cooperation from all 100 senators, making the prospects unlikely

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Among the amendments senators were calling for prior to Sunday’s vote was one from Sens. Alex Padilla (D-Calif.) and John Cornyn (R-Texas) that would loosen restrictions on coronavirus aid money so that states and cities can spend it on infrastructure. And Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Ala.) was also pushing for a billion defense infrastructure fund.

While Senate passage of the bipartisan infrastructure bill is imminent, the legislation still faces an uncertain future in the House. Democratic moderates are already pressuring Speaker Nancy Pelosi to take the legislation up immediately, though Pelosi and many progressives want to wait until a Democratic-only social spending bill also passes the Senate. That bill cannot be filibustered by Senate Republicans in the evenly split chamber.

Pelosi and Schumer have devised a two-track process to enact as much of Biden's domestic agenda as possible, pledging that the bipartisan infrastructure bill will only advance if it is married to the party-line legislation that will spend as much as .5 trillion on climate change action, paid leave policies and health care expansion.

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The Senate will immediately proceed to a budget setting up that massive bill on filibuster-proof ground after it completes its work on the bipartisan infrastructure bill. Schumer is also considering forcing votes on more elections legislation after Democrats' sweeping overhaul plan failed in June.

Senators push infrastructure bill a step closer to passage

Senators hoisted the trillion bipartisan infrastructure package over another hurdle late Sunday, a coalition of Democrats and Republicans pushing it closer to passage despite a few holdouts trying to derail one of President Joe Biden’s top priorities.

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The rare bipartisan momentum was holding steady, a reflection of the bill’s popularity and the eagerness of senators to show voters back home they can deliver. One of the biggest investments of its kind in years, the package promises to unleash billions of dollars to upgrade roads, bridges, broadband internet, water pipes and other public works systems undergirding the nation.

Senators easily overcame another 60-vote hurdle on a vote of 68-29. Final votes could drag into early Tuesday as a single GOP senator, Tennessee’s Bill Hagerty, refused to relent on the mandatory debate time.

Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., stressed to colleagues that they could proceed the “easy way or the hard way,” as the Senate slogged through its second consecutive weekend session.

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“We’ll keep proceeding until we get this bill done,” Schumer said.

The Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act would provide what Biden has called a “historic investment” in public works programs, the first part of the president’s his rebuilding agenda. As many as 20 Republicans are expected to join Democrats in the evenly split Senate for what would be a robust final tally. If approved, it would go to the House.

“We’re on the cusp of seeing that move through the Senate,” Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg said on “Fox News Sunday,” citing “a remarkable coalition” that includes business, labor and lawmakers from both parties. “I think we’re about to get this done.”

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Once voting wraps up, senators immediately will turn to the budget outline for a .5 trillion package of child care, elder care and other programs that is a much more partisan undertaking and expected to draw only Democratic support.

Despite the momentum, action ground to a halt over the weekend when Hagerty, an ally of Donald Trump, forced the Senate to run out the clock on debate time, refusing to consent to speeding up the process.

Hagerty, who had been Trump’s ambassador to Japan, was leading the effort to take as much time as needed to debate and amend the bipartisan bill, in part because he wants to slow the march toward Biden’s next big bill, which plans .5 trillion for child care, an expansion of Medicare for seniors and other so-called soft infrastructure needs.

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Trump called Hagerty on Sunday morning, said a person familiar with the call who requested anonymity to discuss it. Hagerty said later Sunday in a speech on the Senate floor that he was trying to prevent a “socialist debt bomb” of new government spending.

The former president has been publicly critical of the bipartisan bill and criticizing Biden and the senators from both parties who support it, though it’s unclear whether Trump’s broadsides will have much sway with Republican senators. He celebrated Hagerty’s stand in a statement Sunday.

Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., has so far allowed the bill to progress, despite the name-calling and criticism coming his way from Trump. “This is a compromise,” McConnell said.

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As the weekend standoff dragged on, Republicans who helped negotiate the compromise spoke up Sunday commending the former president for having sparked infrastructure talks when he was in the White House even if those bills never panned out.

Sen. Rob Portman of Ohio, the lead Republican negotiator, said it’s time overdue to improve the nation’s public works systems.

“The American people deserve to have good roads and bridges and infrastructure to drive on, travel on,” he said.

Another negotiator, Sen. Mitt Romney, R-Utah, acknowledged that no compromise is perfect, but doing nothing when there was a bill before them was not an option.

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“Every president in the modern era has proposed an infrastructure package,” he said. “This was an effort to say let’s break the logjam.”

Biden, who was spending the weekend in Delaware, said the bipartisan package offers an investment on par with the building of the transcontinental railroad or interstate highway system.

Senators have spent the past week processing nearly two dozen amendments to the 2,700-page package, but so far none has substantially changed its framework.

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More amendments have been offered as senators seek to revise a section on cryptocurrency, a long-shot effort by defense hawks to add billion for defense-related infrastructure and a bipartisan amendment to repurpose a portion of the untapped COVID-19 relief aid that had been sent to the states. But it’s unclear if they will be considered for votes.

Senators have found much to like in the bill, even though it does not fully satisfy liberals, who view it as too small, or conservatives, who find it too large. It would provide federal money for projects many states and cities could not afford on their own.

An analysis of the bill from the Congressional Budget Office drew concerns, particularly from Republicans. It concluded that the legislation would increase deficits by about 6 billion over the next decade.

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But the bill’s backers argued that the budget office was unable to take into account certain revenue streams — including from future economic growth. Additional analysis released Saturday by the budget office suggested infrastructure spending overall could boost productivity and lower the ultimate costs.

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Paying for the package has been a pressure point throughout the months of negotiations after Democrats objected to an increase in the gas tax paid at the pump and Republicans resisted a plan to bolster the IRS to go after tax scofflaws.

Unlike Biden’s bigger .5 trillion package, which would be paid for by higher tax rates for corporations and the wealthy, the bipartisan package is funded by repurposing other money, including untapped COVID-19 aid, and other spending cuts and revenue streams.

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The House is in recess and is expected to consider both Biden infrastructure packages when it returns in September.

Biden's infra Bill hits Senate speed bump, debate slows to crawl

Amendments still on the table include proposals for new cryptocurre... and flexibility for states and localities that choose to use some unspent pandemic relief funds for roads and bridges

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A slow-going Senate debate over a broad 0 billion infrastructure package spilled into Sunday and could go on for days yet, with lawmakers unable to agree on which final changes to consider.
Amendments still on the table include proposals for new cryptocurrency rules and flexibility for states and localities that choose to use some unspent pandemic relief funds for roads and bridges.

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Senator Bill Cassidy, a Louisiana Republican who helped negotiate the bipartisan proposal, said he expects the package of money for roads, water systems and broadband expansion will eventually pass, but suggested that may be two days away unless all 100 senators can agree to speed things up.

“Probably it’s going to pass,” he said on CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday. “We’ll have a vote tonight at 7:30 and then another vote -- if you just look at the clock playing out -- sometime on Tuesday. So, it could go quicker, but it’s going.”

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Majority Leader Chuck Schumer opened the Sunday session saying Democrats were ready to consider amendments to the legislation, which is a cornerstone of President Joe Biden’s agenda.

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“That will require the cooperation of our Republican colleagues,” he said. “In any case, we’ll keep proceeding until we get this bill done.”

At least one GOP senator, Bill Hagerty of Tennessee, has refused to allow the unanimous agreement needed to speed past hours and hours of remaining debate. He is among a cluster of Republicans who oppose the bill because it will be followed by a Democratic effort to push through without Senate GOP backing a more expansive .5 trillion measure entailing the rest of Biden’s economic agenda.

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“I’m not inclined to expedite this process whatsoever,” Hagerty said on Saturday.

On Sunday, he proposed bringing up a package of amendments for votes, but without a time agreement to bring the bill to a close quickly.

Senator Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, the top Democrat negotiator on the bipartisan package, objected, drawing a rebuke from Hagerty.

“Democrats’ true intention is to rush this bill through so that they can hurry up and light the fuse on their .5 trillion spending spree, a socialist debt bomb, then leave town for vacation,” he said.

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The Senate did edge the infrastructure legislation past one of its final procedural hurdles on a 67-27 vote on Saturday, an indicator of the bill’s bipartisan support. But agreement on a last batch of amendments was elusive.

Senators in both parties were still working to resolve a dispute over two dueling amendments to modify a provision dealing with reporting requirements for cryptocurrency transactions and tax collection. The bipartisan group that drew up the legislation was counting on the extra tax revenue generated to help pay for some of the bill’s costs.

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Senate Finance Chairman Ron Wyden, a progressive Democrat, teamed up with conservative Republicans Pat Toomey and Cynthia Lummis in working with the cryptocurrency industry to draft changes to narrow those affected by the reporting requirements. It would exclude entities such as miners, software designers and protocol developers from the groups that need to report data to the Internal Revenue Service.

But Senator Rob Portman, a Republican, and Democrats Sinema and Mark Warner -- three key players in negotiating the infrastructure legislation -- proposed an 11th-hour alternative endorsed by the White House. It would target some software companies and cryptocurrency miners.

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Toomey said Saturday that the talks weren’t immediately fruitful.

“I don’t know how it’s going to work out. We’re working on it,” the Pennsylvania Republican said.

Meanwhile, Texas Republican Senator John Cornyn is pressing for the Senate to vote on his amendment that would allow state and local governments to use as much as 30% of their unspent Covid relief funds on infrastructure projects. Cornyn said his proposal, sponsored with Democratic Senator Alex Padilla, could free up between billion and 0 billion for projects.

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He pleaded with other senators on Saturday to allow consent needed to vote on the proposal considered “non-germane” under Senate rules.

“This money is readily available and does not add to the deficit or debt, but merely provides them with flexibility,” Cornyn said.

Crawling Pace
Hagerty’s objection to speeding up debate underscored how a single senator can use the chamber’s arcane rules to force the Senate to move at a crawl. He may have another chance to do so beginning Sunday night.

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The Senate still has one more procedural vote to wrap up debate and move toward final passage -- but that comes only after another 30 hours of debate, unless he along with everyone else agrees to drop that time.

Lack of agreement to move things ahead risks pushing final passage into early Tuesday. After that, Senate Democrats will begin a days-long debate over the fiscal blueprint underpinning the .5 trillion economic plan before lawmakers leave for an August recess.

The infrastructure bill includes 0 billion in new spending for roads and bridges, billion for electric grid upgrades, billion for rail and Amtrak, and billion for broadband expansion. It also provides billion for clean drinking water and billion for transit.

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“The state of play looks good” and the package is “on the cusp” of moving through the Senate, Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg said on “Fox News Sunday.” The infrastructure spending will generate “enormous economic growth,” he said.

The legislation still faces challenges in the House, where Democrats can afford only three defectors if Republicans vote in unison against the bill. Speaker Nancy Pelosi reaffirmed Friday that the House won’t take up the infrastructure legislation until the Senate also passes the more sweeping economic package, a linkage demanded by progressives in the chamber. That is a central demand of progressive Democrats in the House, but some moderates are urging Pelosi to not delay the infrastructure bill.

| callum | EMAIL | URL | 2021/08/11 12:30 PM | BT/E0mpA |

President Joe Biden is tired of wearing a mask, Stepping into the East Room on Thursday, his face covered in black surgical fabric for the first time in weeks, the President made no attempt to disguise his disappointment at returning to the most charged symbol of the pandemic era.

"In a significant part of the country, you wouldn't have to take one of these off because you don't have to put one on," he said, brandishing his mask in his right hand as a case-in-point of how things, in a matter of weeks, have gone astray.

Biden was understating where his administration's new mask guidelines apply; more than 80% of the US population — about 274 million people — live in a county considered to have "high" or "substantial" Covid-19 transmission, where the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention now suggests even vaccinated people wear masks indoors.

The pandemic turning point the Joe Biden and White House did not want

Yet Biden's essential sentiment — that the country has backslid into conditions many once hoped had permanently passed — amounted to a stark turnabout for a President eager to move on. A CDC slide presentation, leaked on Thursday evening, only underscored the unwelcome direction the pandemic has taken six months into Biden's presidency: the predominant Delta strain is highly contagious and can be transmitted even by people who are vaccinated.

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As he left the White House for Camp David on Friday evening, the President was asked if he thought that even tougher guidelines and restrictions would have to be implemented to combat the summer Covid surge.

"In all probability," he told reporters before walking, maskless, across the South Lawn to board Marine One.

A surge in Covid-19 cases driven by the contagious Delta variant has forced Biden to drastically rethink his approach to the pandemic, three weeks after he told the country on Independence Day the virus "no longer controls our lives." In doing so, he is testing the nation's forbearance amid changing rules and sometimes-confusing messages.

"I think you're going to find the patience of businesses and the patience of a lot of other people running thin," Biden acknowledged Thursday, a description his aides said could also apply to him. He has vented in meetings about a stalled effort to vaccinate the nation and grown frustrated at hitting what one described as a "brick wall."

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In a sign of the White House's desire to control the messaging, top officials fanned out across cable news after Biden spoke Thursday, including his chief of staff Ron Klain and senior coronavirus adviser Jeff Zients, neither of whom regularly appear on weekday television shows.

The 25 days that transpired between Biden's Fourth of July party, where 1,000 invited guests listened to the President declare near-independence from the virus, and Thursday, when he offered stern "straight talk" about the tragedy of vaccine holdouts, were marked by intensifying debate inside the administration over taking more urgent action to prevent the virus from again taking hold, according to people familiar with the matter.

What appeared like a dramatic shift over the course of days had, in fact, been slowly building within health agencies and the White House for weeks as officials sought more information about the Delta variant spreading across the country.

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While Biden had been reluctant to take the step of mandating vaccines, he and his aides sought legal advice from the Justice Department earlier this summer on whether employers could require their workers to be vaccinated — including in the federal government. A legal memo sent to the White House on July 6 — two days after Biden's Independence Day party — stated federal law doesn't prohibit public agencies and private businesses from requiring Covid-19 vaccines, even if the vaccines have only emergency use authorization.

A disappointing turning point

The month of July could well be a turning point, but not in the way the White House had hoped. August is set to open awash in new uncertainty about the pandemic, his handling of which has earned him some of the most favorable marks of his presidency. A mix of frustration and exhaustion is palpable inside the West Wing, where advisers suddenly are wearing masks once again and no longer as confident about putting coronavirus in the rear view mirror.

As case counts rise in states where hesitancy remains pervasive, officials fear a scenario where schools are again forced online and work-from-home continues into another season. The worry extends to the economy, where a labor shortage already complicating the recovery could become even more troubling if the pandemic worsens. Tensions have been high inside the West Wing in recent days as officials have sought to confront a new challenge: their first significant backslide in progress against the virus.

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Steps Biden had avoided for months are now suddenly in play, like vaccine requirements and mandates. A return to masks, viewed internally as politically perilous, was ultimately deemed unavoidable — though the administration stopped short of the "universal masking" the CDC recommended in the internal document made public this week.

Officials said they were persuaded to change the guidelines after seeing the grim assessments about the transmissibility of the Delta variant and its ability to be spread even by people who have been vaccinated, an alarming finding that led the agency to warn in internal documents that the "war has changed" against the virus.

"I think people need to understand that we're not crying wolf here. This is serious," CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky told CNN on Thursday. "The measures we need to get this under control -- they're extreme. The measures you need are extreme."

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After receiving that Justice Department memo, Biden held off on announcing a vaccine requirement for federal personnel for another three weeks as health agencies gathered more information about the spread of the virus and the new Delta strain. Without firm data on the science of the variant, it was difficult for officials to recommend a course of action to the President, who has been adamant that science lead his Covid-19 response but remains highly attuned to the politics of his decisions.

Disturbing new data

That all changed with the alarming data CDC officials presented to the White House this week detailing the Delta variant's ability to cause severe illness and spread as easily as chickenpox. The document, which was made public on Friday, also cites studies showing even vaccinated individuals could transmit the virus as easily as those who haven't gotten shots — though are still far less likely to be hospitalized or die.

That information wasn't initially presented when the CDC changed its mask guidelines on Tuesday, drawing accusations of muddled messaging from some medical experts. Though Walensky conducted a telebriefing on the new guidelines, the White House did not convene its usual weekly press conference with public health officials.

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"Mostly the right policy, terrible communication," former Baltimore Health Commissioner and CNN medical analyst Dr. Leana Wen said on Wednesday. "I'm confused and I think many people are very confused about what exactly happened and why."

That frustration is also present inside the administration, where officials have struggled to explain why the CDC held off on publishing data behind the changes in masking and testing for fully vaccinated people for over 48 hours. Several officials, who spoke to CNN anonymously, argued it should have been released when Walensky announced the policy change Tuesday. While there is consensus on stricter measures, officials lamented the poor communication to an understandably confused American public.

On Friday, as the CDC was releasing its data publicly, the White House said the agency had prioritized changing its mask guidance as quickly as possible once learning of the new science.

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"The CDC's first and foremost priority is getting the American people information as quickly as possible. And so that's what they did on Tuesday. They got it as quickly as they can," deputy press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre told reporters at a daily briefing. "It was clear that vaccinated people have the ability to transmit and action needed to be taken quickly. And that's why they did it ahead of releasing the data."

A constant distraction

After seeking to shift the spotlight away from the pandemic in favor of his other agenda priorities, the new information about the Delta variant has forced Biden to return focus to the still-raging pandemic. Even the welcome news inside the White House that lawmakers had struck an elusive bipartisan deal on infrastructure was obscured by the renewed focus on coronavirus.

Biden hasn't been shy in airing his annoyance.

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"I'm talking about Made in America today. That's all I'm talking about," Biden said over the roar of Air Force One when he arrived in Allentown, Pennsylvania, on Wednesday, shrugging off a barrage of shouted questions about whether he'd require vaccines for the military. "Tomorrow I'll talk about whatever you want to talk about, including Covid."

A day later, Biden lashed out again when asked why he said in May that fully vaccinated people no longer had to wear masks.

"I thought there were people who were going to understand that getting vaccinated made a gigantic difference. And what happened was: A new variant came along, they didn't get vaccinated, it was spread more rapidly, and more people were getting sick," he said as he walked out of the East Room.

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Behind the scenes, Biden has become increasingly frustrated and feels as if the nation has hit "a brick wall" when it comes to getting shots in arms, according to people familiar with his thinking. In private meetings with top aides, Biden has raised one question repeatedly: "What's the problem?"

The President gets daily updates on vaccination rates, hospitalizations and deaths. His briefings have focused lately on the formidable Delta variant, but advisers have also warned that if the stalled vaccination campaign doesn't improve soon, another — and potentially worse — variant could surface, further derailing progress the US has made.

As of Friday, the pace of new vaccinations was the highest it's been since July 5, according to CDC data, but half the country still remains unvaccinated.

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The White House has long resisted getting involved in coronavirus vaccine mandates and credentialing systems, fearing doing so would only feed right-wing accusations of government overreach and undermine efforts to convince hesitant conservatives to get vaccinated.

But stalled vaccination rates -- particularly in southern, conservative states -- propelled the White House in a different direction.

"You don't pursue routes that we announced today until you've gone through and given people the opportunity to get vaccinated," one source close to the White House said, pointing to the importance of giving Americans the choice to get vaccinated before turning to harder-line tactics.

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Biden asked the Pentagon this week to develop a plan for making the vaccine mandatory for military personnel, something aides once feared could set off a firestorm of opposition. And the President says it is still an open question whether the federal government can mandate vaccines for the whole country; the White House insists that option is not being considered.

Biden administration health officials increasingly believe that making vaccination mandatory or unavoidable is the only way to break stalled vaccination rates that are keeping the US from reaching herd immunity. Officials hope requirements within the federal government could encourage the private sector and local governments to follow suit.

About 6% of adults said they would only get vaccinated if required, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation's most recent monthly survey. Another 10% said they will "wait and see" before getting vaccinated.

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Ahead of Biden's announcement that he was requiring all federal employees attest to being vaccinated against Covid-19 or face strict protocols, the White House reached out to key union representatives to lay the groundwork for the decision, people familiar with the discussions said.

The conversations with both public and private sector union officials weren't seamless, the people said. Some representatives raised concerns about the speed with which the White House was moving toward a position they previously hadn't endorsed, as well as potential pushback from union members.

There was immediately blowback from some federal workers, including the Federal Law Enforcement Officers Association, which said requiring vaccines infringed on civil rights.

Still, significant levels of public pushback from national labor groups before and after the announcement was scarce — something one official attributed to the decisive nature of the groups' conversations with the White House.

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"It was less of a 'what do you think about this' conversation and more of a 'here's what we're doing' conversation," one of the people said.

Frustration as Biden, Congress allow eviction ban to expire

Anger and frustration mounted as President Joe Biden showed no signs of reversing plans to allow a nationwide eviction moratorium to expire at midnight Saturday — one Democratic lawmaker even camping outside the Capitol in protest as millions of Americans were about to be forced from their homes.

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Biden’s decision announced days before the eviction deadline stunned many in Congress and exposed a rare divide between the president and his party, with potential lasting political ramifications. Lawmakers said they were blindsided by Biden’s inaction, some furious that he called on Congress to provide a last-minute solution to protect renters that they were unable to deliver.

Rep. Maxine Waters, D-Calif., the chair of the Financial Services Committee, said Saturday on CNN: “We thought that the White House was in charge.”

One lawmaker, Rep. Cori Bush, D-Mo., camped overnight at the Capitol in protest. “I don’t plan to leave before some type of change happens,” Bush said.

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“We are only hours away from a fully preventable housing crisis,” said Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., during a floor speech in a rare Saturday session as senators labored over an infrastructure package.

“We have the tools and we have the funding,” Warren said. “What we need is the time.”

More than 3.6 million Americans are at risk of eviction, some in a matter of days, as a moratorium comes to an end. It was put in place by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as part of the COVID-19 crisis when jobs shifted and many workers lost income.

The eviction ban was intended to prevent further virus spread by people put out on the streets and into shelters. Congress approved nearly billion in federal housing aid to the states during the pandemic, but it been slow to make it into the hands of renters and landlords owed payments.

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The day before the ban was set to expire, Biden called on local governments to “take all possible steps” to immediately disburse the funds.

“There can be no excuse for any state or locality not accelerating funds to landlords and tenants that have been hurt during this pandemic,” he said in a statement late Friday.

Biden set off the scramble by announcing Thursday he would allow the eviction ban to expire instead of challenging a recent Supreme Court ruling signaling this would be the last deadline.

The White House has been clear that Biden would have liked to extend the federal eviction moratorium because of the spread of the highly contagious delta variant of the coronavirus. But there were also concerns that challenging the court could lead to a ruling restricting the administration’s ability to respond to future public health crises.

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On a 5-4 vote in late June, the Supreme Court allowed the broad eviction ban to continue through the end of July. One of those in the majority, Justice Brett Kavanaugh, made clear he would block any additional extensions unless there was “clear and specific congressional authorization.”

Biden, heeding the court’s warning, called on Congress on Thursday to swiftly pass legislation to extend the date.

Racing to respond, Democrats strained to draft a bill and rally the votes. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi implored colleagues to pass legislation extending the deadline, calling it a “moral imperative,” to protect renters and also the landlords who are owed compensation.

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Waters quickly produced a draft of a bill that would require the CDC to continue the ban through Dec. 31. At a hastily arranged hearing Friday morning to consider the bill she urged her colleagues to act.

But Rep. Cathy McMorris Rodgers of Washington, the top Republican on another panel handling the issue, said the Democrats’ bill was rushed.

“This is not the way to legislate,” she said.

Landlords, who have opposed the moratorium and challenged it repeatedly in court, are against any extension. They, too, are arguing for speeding up the distribution of rental assistance.

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The National Apartment Association and several others this week filed a federal lawsuit asking for billion in damages because of the impact of the moratorium.

Despite behind-the-scenes wrangling throughout the day, Democratic lawmakers had questions and concerns and could not muster support to extend the ban.

Revising the emergency legislation to shorten the eviction deadline to Oct. 18, in line with federal COVID-19 guidelines, drew a few more lawmakers in support — but still not enough for passage.

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House Democrats, leaders tried to simply approve an extension by consent, without a formal vote, but House Republicans objected.

Democratic lawmakers were livid at the prospect of evictions in the middle of a surging pandemic.

Bush, who experienced homelessness as a young mother of two in her 20s, said that, at the time, she was working in a low-wage job.

“I don’t want anyone else to have to go through what I went through, ever,” said Bush, now 45, wiping away tears during an interview at the Capitol, where dozens had joined her protest. “I don’t care what the circumstances are and so I’m going to fight now that I’m in a position to be able to do something about it.”

Waters said House leaders should have forced a vote and Biden should not have let the warnings form one justice on the Supreme Court prevent him from taking executive action to prevent evictions.

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“The president should have moved on it,” Waters said. She vowed to try to pass the bill again when lawmakers return from a recess.

By the end of March, 6.4 million American households were behind on their rent, according to the Department of Housing and Urban Development. As of July 5, roughly 3.6 million people in the U.S. said they faced eviction in the next two months, according to the Census Bureau’s Household Pulse Survey.

Some places are likely to see spikes in evictions starting Monday, while other jurisdictions will see an increase in court filings that will lead to evictions over several months.

The administration is trying to keep renters in place through other means. It released more than .5 billion in rental assistance in June, which helped nearly 300,000 households. The departments of Housing and Urban Development, Agriculture and Veterans Affairs extended their foreclosure-related eviction moratoriums through the end of September on households living in federally insured, single-family homes late Friday, after Biden had asked them to do so.

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Aides to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and Sen. Sherrod Brown, D-Ohio, the chair of the Committee on Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs, said the two were working on legislation to extend the moratorium and were asking Republicans not to block it.

Democrats risk their majority with partisan, big spending agenda

Infrastructure week may be nearing a merciful end. Let's hope so. No one wants to hear about interminable infrastructure negotiations ad nauseam.

America desperately needs to address its creaky, crumbling physical infrastructure to strengthen our economy, create jobs, improve traffic flow, enhance water systems, expand rural broadband and more. Now that a bipartisan infrastructure deal has been reached in the Senate, there is real momentum to propel this yet to be written legislation through the Senate with a strong bipartisan vote.

Many members desperately want an agreement with real deliverables so they can demonstrate to their constituents that government can indeed function when people of good faith seek consensus and compromise. Don't get me wrong; this legislative train could easily derail in the House, but I remain optimistic.

The question now is what this means to the separate .5 trillion budget resolution and subsequent reconciliation package that includes spending for President Joe Biden's sweeping social agenda -- and which Democrats hope to pass along party lines, knowing Republicans won't back it. Will the progressive Democrats who support the reconciliation package also be willing to vote for the Senate-negotiated bipartisan infrastructure legislation?

House Democrats would be smart to take this deal. Of course, they will seek to have their fingerprints all over whatever bill becomes law. In my experience, whenever the Senate reaches a bipartisan agreement on a must pass, major piece of legislation with a strong vote, the House will swallow hard and eat it every single time. Yes, House members will engage in histrionics, screaming and yelling about being jammed by the Senate — before relenting and capitulating to the upper chamber. In the end, the House might make a few minor tweaks to the Senate legislation, but make no mistake, the Senate's basic framework will prevail.

A bipartisan agreement in the Senate with presidential support puts enormous pressure on the House to take up the measure as is. The left wing of the Democratic Party will scream loudest and they may try to kill the deal. They'll say the bill isn't big enough, doesn't go far enough and fails to meet the needs of millions of Americans.

If, in fact, the progressive wing of the Democratic Party were to reject this agreement, there will be consequences: The first being the mammoth .5 trillion reconciliation package, which is on shaky ground to begin with. Why would Sens. Joe Manchin and Kirsten Sinema and moderate House Democrats in competitive districts vote for a partisan, bloated reconciliation bill after having a delicately negotiated, well-targeted physical infrastructure measure sacked by the far left?

With margins as thin as they are in the House and Senate, Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Majority Leader Chuck Schumer have no margin for error. If progressive House Democrats want to go big, blowing up this deal will get them nothing. In the end, the left will likely surrender to the bipartisan Senate infrastructure package.

All this makes the admonition of Congressional Democrats by former President Barack Obama's pollster, Joel Benenson, compelling. Benenson contends that the bigger these massive bills grow, the more likely swing voters will reject the final product. He's right. President Biden would be wise to spend less time listening to Sen. Bernie Sanders and the left wing of his party and more time heeding calls from moderate Democratic Sens. Manchin and Sinema and Rep. Josh Gottheimer, who spearheaded bipartisan negotiations on the infrastructure package in their respective chambers, and who are urging restraint on the budget-busting .5 trillion reconciliation bill waiting in the wings.

Manchin, Sinema and Gottheimer dwell in the real world where simply accommodating the Democratic base will, most assuredly, not be rewarded by their voters. They clearly understand this basic reality and know that the sustainability and durability of meaningful public policy requires bipartisan consensus and compromise.

History tells us Democrats face especially daunting headwinds to maintain their narrow House majority in the 2022 midterm elections, and the evenly divided Senate could flip as well. That's why Democrats would be wise to significantly scale down their .5 trillion spending blow out, as "policies under consideration could cost between trillion and .5 trillion over a decade," according to the nonpartisan Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget.

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Labeling a massive increase in social and human services funding as "infrastructure" is disingenuous. The American people are not that gullible. It has become fashionable in recent years to suggest that "deficits don't matter." In truth, how the nation's leaders manage deficits does matter.

While the brutal effects of the pandemic certainly justified massive spending to support and stabilize the lives and livelihoods of our fellow citizens and the broader economy, using the public health crisis as a pretext to go big on expanding the federal footprint in our lives completely misreads President Biden's mandate. As Benenson and other successful elected officials like me who represented competitive swing districts instinctively understand, elections are won in the middle, not the fringes.
President Biden won many centrists, moderate Democrats, persuadable Republicans and independents during the 2020 campaign by conveying a sense of maturity to stabilize and normalize the basic functioning of government after four years of exhausting Trumpian chaos. These voters much prefer incrementalism rather than fundamental change.

Ramming a partisan reconciliation spending package through on a massive scale is not the bipartisan style of governance that Biden promised. It's what Bernie Sanders promised, and his candidacy was rejected by Democratic primary voters for the more moderate Biden.

Swing voters rewarded Biden and supported down ballot Republican candidates in 2020 to check, not enable, the excesses of the left wing of the Democratic Party. Democrats would be well advised to embrace the regular order appropriations process (requiring 60 votes in the Senate) for their spending priorities while using the partisan reconciliation process (requiring 51 votes in the Senate) for their tax priorities, such as they are.

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The Delta variant notwithstanding, pent-up demand for goods and services is growing the economy and driving up prices. Consequently, the question of whether the resulting inflation is transitory or chronic is unknown. With all this demand and money in circulation, it sure feels like the classical definition of inflation: Too much money chasing too few goods. Why take unnecessary risks with an economy poised to bounce back organically? The enormous, mind-blowing political risk Democrats are taking should not be understated.

If Democrats pass this partisan .5 trillion reconciliation package, they will be handing Republicans a huge gift that will be weaponized in the 2022 midterms. History is not kind to the party of the incumbent President during congressional midterm elections. Democrats know all this which indicates they believe their House majority is likely lost, so why not jam as much progressive policy through Congress while they can?

With Republicans struggling to deal with the Trump hangover and continuing trauma over the January 6 insurrection, one would think Democrats would restrain themselves to avoid antagonizing the very swing voters who put Biden over the top in 2020.

If you don't believe me, just ask President Obama's insightful pollster.

| callum | EMAIL | URL | 2021/08/01 02:41 PM | iVzXyuSk |

President Joe Biden on Thursday announced a number of new steps his administration will take to try to get more Americans vaccinated and slow the spread of coronavirus, including requiring that all federal employees must attest to being vaccinated against Covid-19 or face strict protocols.

The new measures come amid a rise in Covid-19 hospitalizations and deaths in the US. The vast majority of those individuals with severe cases of Covid-19 are unvaccinated.

"This is an American tragedy. People are dying -- and will die -- who don't have to die. If you're out there unvaccinated, you don't have to die," Biden said during remarks at the White House. "Read the news. You'll see stories of unvaccinated patients in hospitals, as they're lying in bed dying from Covid-19, they're asking, 'Doc, can I get the vaccine?' The doctors have to say, 'Sorry, it's too late.'"

In his sternest approach yet to pushing Americans to get vaccinated, the President bluntly argued that if you are unvaccinated, "You present a problem to yourself, to your family and to those with whom you work."

Joe Biden announces measures to incentivize Covid-19 vaccinations, including a requirement for federal employees

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Biden said every federal government employee and on-site contractor will be asked to attest to their vaccination status.

Employees who have not been vaccinated "will be required to wear a mask on the job no matter their geographic location, physically distance from all other employees and visitors, comply with a weekly or twice weekly screening testing requirement, and be subject to restrictions on official travel," the White House said ahead of Biden's speech.

The federal employee vaccination requirement is not a mandate, officials have insisted, and most federal employees who do not get vaccinated will not lose their jobs as a result, CNN previously reported.

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But the decision nonetheless marks a pivot away from encouraging Americans to get vaccinated in their own time and stepping toward placing the onus on unvaccinated individuals.

Other efforts the administration debuted Thursday to incentivize vaccinations included expanding paid leave for employees who take time off to get themselves and their family members vaccinated. Biden said employers would be reimbursed. He also called on states, territories, and local governments to do more to incentivize vaccination, including offering 0 to Americans getting vaccinated, paid for with American Rescue Plan funding.

"I know that paying people to get vaccinated might sound unfair to folks who got vaccinated already. But here's the deal: if incentives help us beat this virus, I believe we should use them. We all benefit," Biden said.

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The President also announced that he is ordering the Department of Defense "to look into how and when they will add Covid-19 to the list of vaccinations our Armed Forces must get."

"Our men and women in uniform, who protect this country from grave threats, should be protected as much as possible from getting Covid-19," he said. "I think this is particularly important because our troops serve in places throughout the world, many where vaccination rates are low and disease is prevalent," Biden added.

All military and civilian Defense Department personnel will be asked to attest to their vaccination status, the department said Thursday evening. Those unable or unwilling to do so will "be required to wear a mask, physically distance, comply with a regular testing requirement and be subject to official travel restrictions," Jamal Brown, deputy Pentagon press secretary, said in a statement.

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The department is also considering adding the Covid vaccine to the list of required vaccines for military personnel.

"Secretary (of Defense Lloyd) Austin will begin consulting our medical professionals, as well as the Joint Chiefs of Staff, to determine how and when to make recommendations to the President with respect to adding the COVID-19 vaccines to the full list of requirements for military personnel," Brown said.

The President on Thursday also called on school districts nationwide to host at least one pop-up vaccination clinic over the coming weeks in an effort to get more kids 12 and older vaccinated.

Responding to reporter questions after his remarks, the President said he didn't know yet whether the federal government had the power to require vaccines. "It's still a question whether the federal government can mandate the whole country" require vaccines, he said, adding that he expects the vaccines will be fully approved by the US Food and Drug Administration by the fall.

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But soon after the President's speech, White House Covid-19 Response Coordinator Jeff Zients told CNN's Wolf Blitzer the administration is not considering a nationwide Covid-19 vaccine requirement.

"That's not an authority that we're exploring at all," Zients said on "The Situation Room."

On Monday, the Justice Department determined that federal law doesn't prohibit public agencies and private businesses from requiring Covid-19 vaccines -- even if the vaccines have only emergency use authorization so far. Biden's aides had previously said they do not believe he has the power to require all Americans to get shots. But his oversight of the federal workforce, they believed, can be a powerful model to other employers considering their options on requiring vaccines.

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But several groups representing federal workers across the government are already raising concerns about the requirement for their personnel, including groups representing federal law enforcement officers, IRS managers and members of the US Border Patrol, among others.

Other groups, like the International Federation of Professional and Technical Engineers, have come out in support.

The goal of the requirement, Biden aides have said, is to render being unvaccinated so burdensome that those who haven't received shots will have little choice other than to get them. It's an approach being tested by leaders in Europe, including French President Emmanuel Macron, who required either proof of vaccination or a negative test at public venues. And some states, including New York, have also said government employees must either prove they've been vaccinated or be tested weekly.

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The White House had previously indicated it would support private companies' decisions to mandate Covid-19 vaccinations, but Biden took it a step further on Thursday, saying that he'd like to see companies, states and schools move in the direction of requiring Covid-19 vaccination.

Dr. Rochelle Walensky, director of the CDC, said Wednesday on CNN that health passes for the fully vaccinated, such as those used in parts of Europe, "may very well be a path forward."

But the President appeared to put that responsibility on businesses -- not the federal government -- on Thursday.

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"My guess is that if we don't start to make more progress, a lot of businesses and a lot of enterprises are going to require proof (of vaccination) or you're not going to be able to participate," Biden said.

The prevalence of the highly contagious Delta variant in the US and low vaccine uptake have led to the federal government to take a number of steps to further mitigate the spread of Covid-19.

Zients told Blitzer that the FDA is certain that Americans don't need boosters right now, but it will continue to monitor the data.
"If they do decide that Americans need boosters, we are ready," he said. "We have the supply, and people will be able to get a booster shot -- if it's needed -- in a fast and efficient manner."

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Earlier this week, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recommended everyone -- including vaccinated individuals -- wear masks indoors in areas of substantial or high Covid-19 transmission. The agency also recommended masks for all K-12 children in schools, even those who have been vaccinated.

The Department of Veterans Affairs also recently announced it would require frontline health care workers to be vaccinated over the course of the next two months.

During his remarks on Thursday, Biden acknowledged frustrations over the nation's slow bounce back and the renewal of restrictions.
"We have the right plan. We're coming back. We just have to stay ahead of this virus," Biden said. "I know this is hard to hear. I know it's frustrating. I know it's exhausting to think that we're still in this fight. And I know that we hoped this would be a simple, straightforward line without problems or new challenges. But that isn't real life. (We're) coming out of the worst public health crisis in 100 years. The worst economic crisis since the Great Depression."

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The latest data from the CDC indicates that 49.4% of the total US population is fully vaccinated. And despite a previous downward slope in the pace of vaccinations, 389,963 people are now initiating vaccination each day, according to the current seven day average.

This is the highest it's been in more than three weeks, but it's still lower than the pace set by millions who were receiving shots every day earlier this year.

Covid-19: Biden tells states to offer 0 vaccine incentive as cases rise

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The president also issued a strict new vaccine requirement for US federal workers, the nation's largest workforce with some two million people.

The order requires employees to show proof of vaccination or be subjected to mandatory testing and masking.

Just under half of the US is fully vaccinated, according to official data.

Speaking from the White House on Thursday, Mr Biden said that the new measures are a result of the highly contagious Delta variant's spread, made worse by a "pandemic of the unvaccinated".

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"People are dying and will die who don't have to die," the president said.

Mr Biden added that the monetary incentive may seem unfair to already vaccinated Americans, but "we all benefit if we can get more people vaccinated".

States would use money from the .9tn American Rescue Plan legislation to fund the incentives.

Mr Biden said that the federal government will be "fully reimbursing" small or medium-sized businesses that provide workers paid time off to get vaccinated.

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While government workers who refuse to get vaccinated will not be fired, this move by the White House aims to set an example for other employers nationwide.

But public heath experts warn that weekly testing is not an effective way of stopping outbreaks.

The Democratic president also addressed theories, spreading mostly in conservative circles, that the jabs are unsafe.

He emphasised there "is nothing political" about the vaccines, which were developed and authorised under a Republican administration and further distributed under his.

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Last month, a study showed that over 99% of Covid-19 deaths have been among the unvaccinated.

Nearly 70% of adults have received at least one jab, according to the latest data from the Centers for Disease Control. But vaccination rates are varied across the country. Southern and western regions, which are now experiencing Covid outbreaks, have much lower rates.

It comes as virus-related deaths climb to around 2,000 per week. New cases are now at their highest point in the last three months, with about 60,000 being recorded per day.

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Earlier this week, the CDC revised its mask policy for even fully vaccinated Americans in certain regions due to the Delta variant surges. Indoor mask use is now recommended for people in areas with higher rates of Covid transmission.

New York, California, and several other states have gone one step further - requiring that masks be worn in public indoor spaces.

Joe Biden Defends New Vaccine Requirement for Federal Workers

Before President Joe Biden took office, he said he didn’t think vaccines should be mandatory. And he said in May that he didn’t think masks should be required for vaccinated people either.

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But with the delta variant of coronavirus continuing to spread, and more than 40 percent of Republicans refusing to get vaccinated, Biden is now preaching a different message.

On Thursday, Biden announced that vaccines would be mandatory for nearly all federal employees, and he said the Justice Department was looking into whether the government could mandate vaccines for the whole country. But mostly, Biden spent the majority of his nearly 30-minute address pleading with the unvaccinated to get their shots.

He highlighted new federal programs that will reimburse some employers who offer paid leave so that workers can get themselves and their families vaccinated, and he encouraged states to use money allocated from the American Rescue Plan to provide cash incentives to boost vaccination rates.

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“In addition to providing incentives to encourage vaccination, it's time to impose requirements on key groups, to make sure they're vaccinated,” Biden said.

“Every federal government employee will be asked to attest to their vaccination status,” he continued. “Anyone who does not attest or is not vaccinated, will be required to mask, no matter where they work, test one or two times a week to see if they have acquired COVID, socially distance, and generally will not be allowed to travel for work.”

Biden added the administration was “taking steps” to apply the same standards to federal contractors.

But while the mandate could provide a blueprint for local governments and private businesses to implement their own vaccination requirements, there are major obstacles standing between the president’s directive and universal vaccination for government employees.

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“Biden is now signaling to them that it’s lawful, and it’s effective, and that could be a game changer,” said Lawrence Gostin, director of the O’Neill Institute for National and Global Health Law at Georgetown University. “The public are dazed and confused. I would be shocked if we saw a major change in behavior at the population level, and that’s why we need a mandate.”

The president stressed the need to re-implement mask mandates to stop the spread of the delta variant of COVID, and he again urged the depoliticization of the vaccine process. In typical Biden fashion, he also thanked prominent Republicans who have actively worked to convince their constituents to get the shot.

“From the start, I have to compliment Republican Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, he hasn’t made it political, he's encouraged people to get vaccinated and is continuing to do so in the states in pretty good shape,” Biden said, also praising Alabama Republican Gov.Kay Ivey, who recently encouraged vaccines.

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“Look,” Biden added, “this is not about red states and blue states; it's literally about life and death.”

States and cities around the country have implemented similar requirements in recent days, as did the Department of Veterans Affairs, which has ordered all 115,000 frontline health care workers to get vaccinated within the next two months.

Obstacles both bureaucratic and political, however, mean that Biden’s vaccine mandate is not yet as comprehensive as public health experts might hope—most notably in regards to the Department of Defense.

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With nearly 1.4 million people in active duty service, and another 732,000 civilian personnel, the Pentagon is the nation’s single largest employer. But due to Department of Defense rules requiring that servicemembers give their “informed consent” to medical treatment, Biden’s vaccine mandate won’t apply to active duty personnel until the Food and Drug Administration officially approves the COVID-19 vaccines currently in use.

Troops are currently required to be vaccinated against more than a dozen illnesses, from chickenpox to rabies, depending on the location and duration of their employment, and while Biden could issue a waiver for the FDA approval requirement, he has publicly stated that he wants to put that decision in the hands of Pentagon leaders.

I don’t know—I’m going to leave that to the military,” Biden told NBC News in April, calling the matter a “tough call” that he was not yet prepared to make. “I’m not saying I won’t. I think you’re going to see more and more of them getting it.”

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Asked about the same issue on Thursday, Biden gave a similar answer, explaining that he remained committed to not pressuring the FDA for approval. But Biden said he and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin were considering the idea of mandating the vaccine before the approval process was complete.

“He's open to it,” Biden said of Austin. “And the question is when is the right time to get the most bang for the buck when you do it. A lot of this is timing.”

Dr. Timothy Brewer, a professor of epidemiology at UCLA’s Fielding School of Public Health and of Medicine, called the lag on a mandate for active duty military “silly.”

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“That’s crazy—that’s absolutely crazy,” Brewer said. “In the military, you’re close together, you’re in tight groups, you’re spending lots of time together. Every single person that’s military should be vaccinated against SARS-CoV-2.

A fact sheet released before the president’s remarks noted that Biden has ordered the Department of Defense to “look into how and when they will add COVID-19 vaccination to the list of required vaccinations for members of the military.” But the fact sheet outlines no timeline or process for doing so.

Although the military’s vaccination rate has actually outpaced that of the general population, some service members have reportedly expressed hesitation to get the COVID-19 vaccine, according to Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY), who has introduced legislation that would forbid the government from compelling members of the military to get vaccinated.

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Massie’s bill, which has 28 cosponsors, is unlikely to become law, but it indicates the broader political problem facing Biden’s vaccine mandate push. While the lag time for military vaccinations could be resolved by the end of the summer—Army Times reported earlier this month that the U.S. Army had issued an internal notice ordering commanders to “prepare for a directive to mandate COVID-19 vaccination for service members” by September, “pending full FDA licensure”—the vaccine mandate faces steep opposition from some of the nation’s most powerful public-sector unions.

The American Postal Workers Union, which represents more than 200,000 postal workers, announced its opposition to Biden’s mandate before it was even formally announced, noting that while its leadership encourages postal workers to get vaccinated voluntarily, “it is not the role of the federal government to mandate vaccinations for the employees we represent.”

The International Association of Fire Fighters, a close political ally of Biden’s, has also pushed back against mandates.

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“We’re not doing any mandates. We’re not advocating any mandates for vaccination,” Tim Burn, press secretary for the IAFF, told Politico. “At this point we want to make sure that our members have what they need to stay safe on the job.”

Other unions stayed conspicuously quiet ahead of Biden’s announcement: the American Federation of Government Employees, which represents more than 700,000 federal workers, initially did not comment on news of the proposed mandate, issuing a cautious statement on Thursday afternoon noting that the union expects details of the policy to be “properly negotiated with our bargaining units prior to implementation.”

“Based on today’s announcement, it is our understanding that under President Biden’s proposal the vast majority of federal employees would not have to be vaccinated as a condition of employment,” Everett Kelley, the union’s national president, said in a statement, “but that those who choose not to receive the vaccine may face certain restrictions.”

Biden’s announcement, just like mask-wearing guidance from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, is a change in both strategy and rhetoric from the federal government. Last year, Biden declared that he did not feel that vaccines should be mandatory, and he promised not to do so as president.

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But continuously changing public guidances from the CDC, as well as the hardened opposition to vaccines from some conservatives, have made it clear that the government response needs to be more stick than carrot at this stage, public health experts said.

“You need to separate out what makes sense from a public health perspective from what makes sense from a political perspective,” said Brewer. “From a public health perspective, everybody should be vaccinated over the age of twelve—they would mandate vaccinations for the whole country if the only thing you were basing it on was risk-benefit.”

As Biden exited the press conference, a reporter asked about the president’s declaration in May that “??if you’ve been fully vaccinated, you no longer need to wear a mask” and whether that still remained true.

A visibly annoyed Biden, who had already walked away from the podium, yelled back at the reporter, “It was true at the time!”

Just before he left the room, Biden explained the lack of vaccinations, paired with the rise of the new variant, had changed the situation.

“What happened was, this variant came along, they didn’t get vaccinated, it was spread more rapidly, and more people were getting sick,” he said.

| callum | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/30 03:37 PM | gkRDX9BM |

President Joe Biden's presidency is now six months old. You'd be forgiven if you didn't realize how long Biden has been in office

because Biden doesn't generate anywhere near the same news interest (see Google searches) as his predecessor, former President

Donald Trump, did.

The lack of a topsy turvy first few months has translated to Biden's approval rating. It's been the most stable for any president

since the end of World War II.

This, indeed, has been the story of the Biden presidency from a popularity standpoint. At every point at which I've checked in to

see how Biden is doing from a historical perspective, nothing seems to shake his approval ratings.

Right now, Biden's average approval rating rests at around 53%, no matter how you calculate said average. Over the course of

Biden's first six months in office, his approval rating has never risen above 55% or fallen below 51% in an average of polls. It

was 53% in April and 54% in May.

To give you an idea of what a narrow lane Biden's approval rating is in, you only need to look at history.
Prior to Biden, the average range for post-World War II presidents in their first six months in office was 14 points. Biden's range

is less than a third of that.

Joe Biden's approval rating simply hasn't moved in six months

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Nearly every other president saw his maximum and minimum approval rating differ by about greater than 7 points or more. (Lyndon

Johnson's gap was about 5.5 points.)

Former President Donald Trump's range was 10 points, and he was thought to have an approval rating that was historically stable.
Biden, though, hasn't really picked up any new supporters since the election. His approval rating matches his vote share (51%) and

favorable rating in the exit polls (52%) nearly perfectly.

On the other hand, it's been noticeable how Biden's relative ranking on approval rating has risen the more time has gone on.

Biden's initial approval rating was near the bottom (only beating Trump) back in January.
Today, it beats Trump, Gerald Ford and Bill Clinton's. Barack Obama and George W. Bush's approval ratings are within the margin of

error of Biden's approval rating.

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With increased polarization, Biden's approval rating probably has a better chance of not significantly moving during his presidency

than it may have in an earlier era.

On the polarization front, Biden has to be pleased that Democrats still seem to stand firmly behind him. It's hard to find any

reputable poll where his approval rating among Democrats is below 90%. In the latest ABC News/Washington Post poll, for instance,

it's 94%.

No other president in the post-World War II era had an approval rating at this point within his own party as Biden has now.
That's not to say it's all groovy for Biden.

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The percentage of people firmly behind Biden seems to have shifted down a little bit. In the AP-NORC poll, for example, 25% and 26%

of the public strongly approved of him in their last polls. In every poll of theirs before the most recent, more than 30% of the

public strongly approved of Biden.

Likewise, in an average of live interview polls, the percentage of the public who strongly approved of Biden went from 31% in both

January and February to 27% now.

A big question going forward is whether this signals that Biden's base may not be as strong as it appears at first glance.
Another bad piece of news for Biden is that the opposition to him seems to have hardened. Biden's disapproval rating is now in the

low to mid-40s than the mid-30s it was back in January. This reflects more people going from undecided to disapproving of Biden.

If Biden was hoping that his efforts in the first six months of his presidency would bring over new supporters, he is mistaken --

at least for the moment.

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Of course, Biden would probably accept not gaining any supporters, as long as he doesn't lose any. His approval rating is still

above water, and that's certainly better than his predecessor.

President Joe Biden’s approval rating dips to 50%, lowest since he took office

President Joe Biden’s approval rating has dipped six percentage points to 50%, his lowest mark since taking office in January,

according to the latest Gallup poll.

Biden’s reduced rating comes as the highly contagious COVID-19 Delta variant spreads and increases cases among unvaccinated

Americans, and amid continued polarization, according to Gallup. For the first time, support for Biden among independents dipped

below a majority to 48%, and Democratic support at 90% marks a new low as well. Biden’s overall performance during his term’s first

second quarter — an average of 53% — is still better than former Presidents Donald Trump and Bill Clinton during the same time

period, with Gallup noting economic gains including lower unemployment and an infrastructure deal pushing through the Senate on

Biden’s watch.

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Forty-five percent disapprove of the Democrat’s performance and 5% told Gallup they had no opinion. Only 12% of Republicans support

Biden’s work thus far, the poll showed. But Biden still enjoys more support from independents than Trump ever received in Gallup’s

poll.

Gallup reported that the roughly three-percentage-point dip in Biden’s average approval rating over the first and second quarters

is on par with dips seen for Trump and former President George W. Bush.

Historically, Gallup shows third-quarter ratings dropping even further; even former President Barack Obama, who enjoyed a 62%

approval rating at this point, saw a 10-point drop after unemployment paired with legislative battles over the Affordable Care Act.

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Gallup surveyed more than 1,000 adults across the country between July 6-21. The margin of error is plus-or-minus four percentage

points, Gallup said.

Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease expert, said Sunday that the U.S. is “going in the wrong direction” when it

comes to COVID-19. The nation’s daily death toll may increase beyond 850 — which is more than triple the current average — unless

more people get vaccinated, “particularly when you have a variant like Delta, which has this extraordinary characteristic of being

able to spread very efficiently and very easily from person-to-person,” Fauci warned.

Joe Biden's Pandemic Approval Rating Falls Amid Lockdown, Delta Variant Fears

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President Joe Biden's pandemic approval rating has plummeted to its lowest level, according to a new poll, possibly fueled by a

fear that lockdowns could return amid a surge in coronavirus cases due to the highly transmissible Delta variant.

Just over six in 10 (63 percent) of Americans approve of the president's handling of the pandemic, the ABC News/Ipsos poll found.

The number is a nine-point drop from Biden's highest result (72 percent) in the same survey in late March.

According to the poll, a majority of Americans (62 percent) are concerned that they or someone they know will be infected with the

coronavirus, with 20 percent reporting they were "very concerned." Thirteen percent said they were "not concerned at all."

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The poll, which surveyed 527 adults between July 23 and 24, also found that about three-quarters (74 percent) say they have had at

least one dose of a coronavirus vaccine. The latest data from the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) shows that

68.8 percent of adults in the U.S. have received at least one dose of a coronavirus vaccine.

But asked about whether they feel optimistic or pessimistic about the coming year, 55 percent said they were pessimistic about the

way things are going in the country. Only 45 percent said they were optimistic.

Americans were far more optimistic about the same question when asked in early May. That poll found 64 percent were optimistic

looking ahead to the next 12 months, while just 36 percent were pessimistic.

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Meanwhile, concerns about contracting coronavirus is higher (67 percent) among those who are at least partly vaccinated than those

who are not (47 percent).

Trump Claims Americans Not Taking COVID Vaccine Because They 'Don't Trust the President'

Former President Donald Trump told a rally of his supporters on Saturday night that Americans are refusing to take the COVID-19

vaccine because they "don't trust" President Joe Biden.

Speaking during a rally in Phoenix, Trump touted the success of his administration's Operation Warp Speed vaccine rollout, and

claimed that many Americans now do not trust Biden enough to be inoculated.

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"How about the vaccine? I came up with the vaccine. They said it would take 3 to 5 years. Gonna save the world," Trump said, while

adding that his administration did "such an incredible job" with handling the coronavirus pandemic.

Trump then sharpened his criticism against Biden and said that the current administration's recommended pause on the Johnson &amp;

Johnson vaccine for safety purposes in April set back the rollout "so badly" and added that, "Because they don't trust the

president, people aren't doing it."

"It's as simple as can be," he said.

The former president's comments come just one week after he made a less direct attack, writing in a statement that Biden is "way

behind schedule, and people are refusing to take the Vaccine because they don't trust his Administration, they don't trust the

Election results, and they certainly don't trust the Fake News, which is refusing to tell the Truth."

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Since leaving office, Trump has repeatedly claimed that the U.S. vaccine rollout is a result of his administration's efforts,

despite the fact that he was frequently criticized for lagging behind expectations and failing to meet vaccination goals.

During the Saturday rally, Trump told his supports that he "recommends" they take the vaccine, but that he "also believes in your

freedoms 100 percent."

Biden has been encouraging all Americans to get vaccinated as quickly as possible, as coronavirus cases continue to rise across the

country. A recent survey found that Biden's pandemic approval rating has dropped to its lowest level since January amid reports

that the COVID-19 Delta variant is spreading rapidly.

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Just over six in 10 (63 percent) of Americans now approve of the president's handling of the pandemic, the new ABC News/Ipsos poll

found. The number is a nine-point drop from Biden's highest result (72 percent) in the same survey in late March.

As of Sunday, 162.7 million Americans have been fully vaccinated against COVID-19, and 56 percent of the population has received at

least one dose, according to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC).

But as the highly contagious Delta variant continues to spread, 49 states, as well as Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico, have seen

an increase in daily COVID cases of 5 percent or more in the last week alone, Johns Hopkins University reported.

On Tuesday, CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky said that the Delta variant is now responsible for 83 percent of coronavirus cases

across the U.S.

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"The best way to prevent the spread of COVID-19 variants is to prevent the spread of disease, and vaccination is the most powerful

tool we have. We must continue to expand vaccine coverage by building trust and confidence in COVID-19 vaccines," Walensky told a

Senate hearing.

Joe Biden's Approval Rating Is Soaring Among Independents
President Joe Biden's approval rating among independent voters has soared following a sharp decline at the end of June, according

to an Ipsos survey.

The Ipsos weekly approval tracker found that Biden's rating among independents stood at 52 percent in its latest survey, which was

conducted on July 14 and 15.

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The president's overall approval rating is 53 percent and his disapproval is 42 percent. The survey's margin of error is 3.5

percentage points.

Biden enjoys 88 percent approval among Democrats—a slight dip from 91 percent in the previous survey on July 7 and 8. His approval

among Republicans stands at 17 percent, up from 13 percent a week earlier.

The approval figure from independent voters has risen sharply in recent weeks.

The last time Biden's approval among independents hit 50 percent in the Ipsos survey was June 17-18. On June 24-25, the figure fell

to 45 percent.

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A week later, in the June 30-July 1 research, Biden's approval among independents tumbled to just 34 percent—the lowest figure in

the Ipsos survey since he took office in January.

A week later, in the July 7-8 survey, the approval rating among independents recovered to 44 percent. It has now risen another 8

points to 52 percent.

The president also enjoys high approval from independents for his handling of key issues in the latest Ipsos survey. On the

coronavirus pandemic, 59 percent of independents approve of Biden. His overall approval rating on COVID-19 also stands at 59

percent.

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Opinions on the president's performance broadly follow party lines, with 86 percent of Democrats approving of his approach to

COVID-19 compared to just 33 percent of Republicans.

On the issue of "unifying the country," 50 percent of independents approve of Biden, compared to 78 percent of Democrats and 19

percent of Republicans. However, Biden scores lower among independents on other issues.

On the economy, 47 percent of independents approve of his approach, while 45 percent approve of his handling of employment and

jobs. The approval rating for his policies on racial inequality is 48 percent. However, just 30 percent of independents approve of

Biden on taxation and 32 percent on corruption. On immigration, 37 percent of independents approve of the president.

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Tracker FiveThirtyEight, which gives the Ipsos survey a B- rating, combines a number of polls to calculate Biden's popularity.

According to FiveThirtyEight, the president's latest figures are 51.1 percent approval and 42.6 percent disapproval.

The Ipsos poll was conducted among 1,005 Americans aged over 18 between July 14 and 15. They were interviewed online in English and

there were 100 independents surveyed, as well as 465 Democrats and 366 Republicans.

"Weighting was then employed to balance demographics to ensure that the sample's composition reflects that of the adult population

according to Census data and to provide results intended to approximate the sample universe," Ipsos said.

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Texas voters split over Gov. Greg Abbott’s job performance, but he remains popular among Republicans, UT/TT Poll finds

Texas voters are split over whether they approve of Gov. Greg Abbott’s job performance, though he remains popular with Republicans

and more popular among Texans than President Joe Biden, according to the latest University of Texas/Texas Tribune Poll.

The June 2021 poll shows that 44% of Texans approve of Abbott’s job as governor, while 44% disapprove. That leaves him with an

overall approval rating from Texas voters that’s better than those of Biden, U.S. Sens. Ted Cruz and John Cornyn, Lt. Gov. Dan

Patrick, Attorney General Ken Paxton and House Speaker Dade Phelan. Abbott enjoys the approval of 77% of his own party’s voters,

with 43% of Republicans saying they “strongly approve” of his performance.

Democratic disapproval for Abbott remains potent. Eighty-two percent of Democrats disapprove of Abbott, with 75% of those Democrats

saying they “strongly disapprove” of his performance.

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“What we're seeing now is that Democrats are registering as much disapproval with him as they are with really any kind of national

Republican figure,” said Joshua Blank, research director of the Texas Politics Project.

Abbott earned higher marks among Texas voters regarding his COVID-19 response at the start of the pandemic, Blank pointed out. In

April 2020, 56% of Texans approved of Abbott’s response to the pandemic, but that slipped to 44% in the latest June poll.

“One of the things that benefited Greg Abbott was Donald Trump,” Blank said. “So Donald Trump's inability to appear to be seriously

dealing with the pandemic made Abbott's attempts early on — even if they were criticized — much much more serious-looking, both to

Republicans and Democrats, and I think that's why his numbers were so high.”

As the pandemic drew on, Democratic disapproval of Abbott increased steadily. In the last poll, 81% of Democrats disapproved of

Abbott’s COVID-19 response, with 67% saying they strongly disagree. Meanwhile, 74% of Republicans approve and 45% strongly approve.

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When it comes to immigration and border security — a hot topic which spurred Abbott announce his own border wall earlier this month

— 46% of voters approve of his job and 37% disapprove. Approval ratings once again remain consistent with party lines, as 73% of

Democrats disapprove of the job he's doing on immigration and border security. Among Republicans, 78% approve and only 9%

disapprove.

President Joe Biden
Biden’s ratings have remained steady among both Democrats and Republicans since the February UT/TT Poll. His overall job approval

with Texan voters is at 43% who approve and 47% who disapprove. When filtered by partisanship, 88% of Democrats approve of the job

he's doing, including 53% who strongly approve. As for Republicans, 84% disapprove of the job he's doing with 77% strongly

disapproving.

Texans see Biden’s COVID-19 response as a strength, while border security remains a weak point.

Overall, 49% of Texas voters approved of the president’s COVID-19 response, while 36% disapprove. Of those, 91% of Democrats

approve, while 64% of Republicans disapprove.

“Fourteen percent of Republicans still approve of the job he's doing on COVID because it's one of his strong places,” Blank added.

As for immigration and border security, only 27% of Texas voters approve of the job Biden is doing, while 57% disapprove.

Republican disapproval runs especially high, with 89% saying they disapprove, including 82% who strongly disapprove. For Democrats,

56% approve of the president’s job at the border but their support is more tepid, as only 21% strongly approve, 35% somewhat

approve and nearly one in five disapprove.

“I think in all cases, this is the power of negative partisanship and the influence that our negative attitudes towards the other

party have on us,” Blank said.

62% of independent voters disapprove of Biden when it comes to immigration and border security, while 14% approve.

Cruz and Cornyn
Cruz enjoys a 79% approval rating among Texas Republicans. Meanwhile, Cornyn, his senior counterpart, has a 60% approval rating

within the party. Fifty-eight percent of Republicans strongly approved of Cruz’s performance, but only 24% said the same for

Cornyn.

“Cornyn’s roots are in a very different Republican Party and if anything, Cornyn has had to adjust to a political party that

evolved in a way that is much closer to the image and orientation of Ted Cruz than it was to the John Cornyn that first ran for

office more than two decades ago,” said James Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project.

Among Texas voters, 41% disapprove of Cornyn, including 74% of Democrats. As for Cruz, he has 43% approval and 46% disapproval

among Texan voters. Eighty-six percent of Democrats disapprove of the job he's doing.

Texans voters, especially Democrats, disapprove of the U.S. Congress as a whole.

Other state leaders
Paxton had the lowest approval rating of statewide elected leaders polled with 33% of Texan voters approving and 36% disapproving.

58% of Republicans approve of the job he's doing, while 66% of Democrats disapprove and 59% strongly disapprove.

Patrick had a 36% total approval rating, and a 37% disapproval rating.

Blank pointed out that many state officials remain unknown in the eyes of Texan voters, but that is “becoming less and less the

case.”

“I think it's notable that over half of Democrats now register a negative opinion in fact a strongly negative opinion of him,”

Blank said of Paxton.

Phelan, R-Beaumont, isn’t elected statewide and still remains a low-profile figure among Texans; 20% of Texas voters approve of the

job he’s doing, while 27% disapprove. There has been an uptick in Democratic disapproval of the speaker over the course of 2021,

due to the infighting and turmoil that shaped the most recent legislative session, Blank said.

The University of Texas/Texas Tribune internet survey of 1,200 registered voters was conducted from June 10-21 and has an overall

margin of error of +/- 2.83 percentage points.

Why Biden’s Approval Rating Has Barely Budged In His First 6 Months

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The first six months in the White House are often frenzied for presidents as they push for big policy changes to try to live up to

their campaign promises. President Biden is no exception. In his first 100 days in office, he signed dozens of executive actions

and pursued sweeping legislation, like his .9 trillion COVID-19 stimulus package, which offered Americans further relief from the

pandemic, and his ambitious two-step infrastructure plan. The hope for Biden, as with most presidents, is that his accomplishments

will placate Americans who already support him while also winning over some who don’t.

But as it turns out, few Americans have changed their minds since the 2020 election. Biden’s job approval rating over his first six

months in office was the steadiest such rating of any recent president during that period, according to FiveThirtyEight’s

historical approval rating data. His approval has ranged from a high of 55.1 percent on March 22 to a low of 51.1 percent on July

15 — a difference of just 4 percentage points, as the chart below shows.

Biden’s steady approval rating outdid even that of former President Donald Trump, whose numbers were notoriously steady. Trump’s

approval numbers had about a 10-point spread, from 38.0 percent to 47.8 percent in his first six months in office. Other recent

presidents, such as Barack Obama, George W. Bush and Bill Clinton, all saw considerably more volatility in their ratings during the

same period in office.

Biden’s fairly static numbers are at least in part a reflection of the lack of major scandals in his administration as well as its

avoidance, for now, of deeply unpopular policies — developments that have tripped up some of his predecessors. For instance,

Trump’s approval rating dipped in March and April 2017 as the GOP began its push to pass health care legislation that was very

unpopular in the polls. And Clinton’s approval fell all the way into the upper 30s in June 1993 as his economic agenda struggled to

get going and his proposal to allow gay people to serve in the military got pushback.

By comparison, Biden has polled very well for his handling of the coronavirus pandemic, arguably the biggest challenge facing the

country in the past year and a half. He’s won over even some Republicans on that front, although that hasn’t translated into much

cross-party approval overall. Biden’s administration has also focused on trying to pass legislation that is broadly popular with a

majority of the public. And right now, Americans generally feel pretty good about how their lives are going, and somewhat more

confident about how the economy is doing, as the country reopens and (hopefully) gets back to normal.

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That’s not to say all is going swimmingly for Biden. His administration has received lower marks for its handling of immigration

and crime, issues that could cause the president trouble later on. More fundamentally, Biden’s narrow band of approval also

reflects how polarized and divided our country is right now. First, Biden’s inability to stretch beyond 55 percent approval shows

that presidents may no longer be able to count on much of a “honeymoon” period, largely because it’s so difficult to garner support

from the other side of the aisle. Whereas around one-fifth to one-third of Republicans approved of Obama’s job performance at

various points during his first six months in office, Biden’s approval rating among Republicans during the same period has usually

hovered below 20 percent — sometimes even below 10 percent. Second, Republicans’ opposition to Biden has been more intense, too.

More than 60 percent of Republicans have told pollsters that they not only disapprove of Biden but strongly disapprove of him. (In

contrast, not quite half of all Republicans said the same of Obama in his first six months.)

On the flip side, polarization has helped Biden stay above 50 percent because he has nearly unified backing among Democrats. It

hasn’t been unusual for a president to have the support of at least 90 percent of his party’s base early on — Obama and Bush also

had that level of backing in their first six months — but Biden may be better positioned to hold on to that support going forward.

We only have to look at Trump’s standing in the latter half of his presidency for evidence of this, as he regularly polled at

around 90 percent among his party base even though fewer than 10 percent of Democrats approved of him.

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That said, Biden is running somewhere close to even among independents, depending on the poll. By comparison, Trump was notably

underwater among independents throughout his presidency. How Biden continues to fare with independents will be key, as his showing

among that group during his first six months is another reason why his average approval rating has been 53.4 percent, or 12 points

better than Trump’s 41.4 percent.

Biden’s approval rating is also important because it can tell us how Americans are feeling — and what the electoral environment may

look like ahead of the 2022 midterm elections. Historically, the president’s party has almost always lost ground in the House, and

often in the Senate too. This trend could be particularly damaging for Democrats in the midterms, as they hold just a 222-to-213-

seat majority in the House1 and only the slightest edge in an evenly divided Senate thanks to Vice President Kamala Harris’s tie-

breaking vote.

There are exceptions to this midterm “presidential penalty,” but they’ve usually occurred when a president has had a high approval

rating — such as Clinton in 1998 or Bush in 2002, when both topped 60 percent approval. Knowing this, Biden may need his approval

rating to remain in the mid-50s or better to help his party retain control of Congress. But although his standing has been as high

as 55.1 percent during his presidency, it may be tough to get back there — and stay there — in light of just how divided the

country is.

| reviewsmovie | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/26 07:59 PM | DIYdljuQ |

US President Joe Biden has authorised up to 0m from an emergency fund to meet “unexpected urgent” refugee needs stemming from the situation in Afghanistan, including for Afghan special immigration visa applicants, the White House said.

Biden also approved on Friday the release of 0m in services and articles from the inventories of US government agencies to meet the same needs, the White House said.

Joe Biden approves 0m emergency funds to resettle Afghan refugees

The United States is preparing to begin evacuating thousands of Afghan applicants for special immigration visas (SIVs) who are at risk from the Taliban because they worked for the US government.

The first batch of evacuees and their families is expected to be flown before the end of the month to Fort Lee, a US military base in Virginia, where they will wait for the final processing of their visa applications.

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About 2,500 Afghans could be brought to the facility, about 48km (30 miles) south of Richmond, the Pentagon said on Monday.

The Biden administration is reviewing other US facilities in the US and overseas where SIV applicants and their families could be accommodated.

Special immigrant visas are available to Afghans who worked as translators or in other jobs for the US government after the 2001 US-led invasion.

On Thursday, the US House of Representatives passed legislation that would expand the number of SIVs that could be granted by 8,000, which would cover all potentially eligible applications in the pipeline.

About 18,000 such applications are being processed, US officials say.

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Earlier on Friday, the Canadian government said it will fast-track resettlement of potentially thousands of Afghans who have worked with Canada during the past 20 years but offered few details of who will be eligible or when people who are now in danger from the Taliban will start arriving.

The government has been facing pressure from Canadian veterans worried that Afghans who supported them and their families will face arrest and even death at the hands of the Taliban.

“For the safety and security of the Afghans, as well as the Canadian teams who are already on the ground, we have to safeguard the precise details of how this operation will be carried out, as well as exactly when it will begin,” said Immigration Minister Marco Mendicino.

The withdrawal of US forces from Afghanistan emboldened the Taliban to take parts of the country. The captured territory includes parts of the southern province of Kandahar, where the Canadian military spent the longest amount of time during its 13-year mission in the country.

Also on Friday, the US called on the Taliban to negotiate after the group said that there will not be peace in Afghanistan until there is a new government in Kabul and President Ashraf Ghani is removed.

In an interview with The Associated Press, Taliban spokesman, Suhail Shaheen, who is also a member of the group’s negotiating team, laid out their stance on what should come next in a country on the precipice.

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Shaheen said the Taliban will lay down their weapons when a negotiated government acceptable to all sides in the conflict is installed in Kabul and Ghani’s government is gone.

During a news briefing held over the phone, State Department spokesperson Jalina Porter said “we call on the Taliban to engage in serious negotiations to determine a political road map for Afghanistan future that leads to a just and durable settlement.”

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White House press secretary Jen Psaki affirmed Biden’s support for the Afghan president. She said Biden was scheduled to speak with Ghani by phone later in the day.

“The president and the administration supports the leadership of the Afghan people, including Ashraf Ghani,” Psaki told reporters.

“I would note that there are ongoing political negotiations and discussions that we certainly support between Afghan leaders, members of the Afghan government and the Taliban. And we believe a political solution is the only outcome to lasting peace in Afghanistan,” she said.

Zalmay Khalilzad: How will US monitor Afghanistan after pullout?

Decades of turmoil in Afghanistan have led to sectarian division, political instability and the loss of countless lives.

International players from the region and beyond have made several attempts to bring peace and stability to the country. The United States has played a central role. Afghan-born American diplomat Zalmay Khalilzad has been leading that effort since 2018.

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But as the US military ends its mission in Afghanistan, will there be a power vacuum in Kabul? And what role will Washington play moving forward? Khalilzad, the US special representative for Afghanistan reconciliation, talks to Al Jazeera.

US envoy Khalilzad: Now Afghans cannot blame the United States

After nearly 20 years of conflict in Afghanistan, the warring parties meet face-to-face at the negotiating table in the Qatari capital, Doha.

One of the key players in the Afghan peace process has been Afghan-born American diplomat Zalmay Khalilzad, who has led the efforts to achieve peace in Afghanistan on behalf of the United States since September 2018.

So, having made it this far, what is next in the Afghan peace process? And what role will Washington play?

We find out as US Special Representative for Afghanistan Reconciliation Zalmay Khalilzad talks to Al Jazeera.

The US is leaving. What’s next for Afghanistan?

After 20 years, the United States is ending its occupation of Afghanistan. A lot has changed but many Afghans like journalist Ali Latifi are concerned about how many things are still the same. Roads remain unpaved, the electricity is spotty and a newly energised Taliban is threatening to take back the Afghan state. Many Afghans are now left wondering what happened to the US promises and why the Afghan people have been left behind.

Will the US do a U-turn on Afghanistan troop withdrawal?

There is growing concern about the future of Afghanistan as the United States and allied troops leave the country.

Afghan forces are surrendering outposts and escaping in their hundreds to neighbouring Tajikistan. Those that do face the Taliban put up little or no resistance.
The heart of US operations in Afghanistan for almost two decades – Bagram airbase – is empty of American troops. And the Taliban is pressing on with its territorial campaign, making significant gains.

The group now controls almost one-third of the country’s 400 districts, mainly in the north.

How worrying are these latest developments?

Pakistan urges Afghanistan to reconsider recall of diplomats

Pakistan’s foreign ministry has termed the Afghan government’s decision to recall its ambassador and senior diplomats from its embassy in Islamabad “unfortunate and regrettable”, after the ambassador’s daughter was abducted and assaulted last week.

In a statement released late on Sunday, Pakistan’s foreign ministry said the incident was being investigated “at the highest level”.

“The decision by the Government of Afghanistan to recall its ambassador and senior diplomats from Pakistan is unfortunate and regrettable,” said the statement.

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Pakistan’s Foreign Secretary Sohail Mahmood, the top bureaucrat at the ministry, met with Afghanistan’s ambassador to Pakistan, Najib Alikhil, on Sunday, the statement said.

“We hope that the Government of Afghanistan would reconsider its decision.”

Earlier on Sunday, the Afghan government announced its decision to withdraw the ambassador and other senior diplomats from the Pakistani capital Islamabad.

The move came after a “strong protest” was lodged with Pakistan’s ambassador in Kabul, Mansoor Ahmad Khan.

Silsila Alikhil, the Afghan ambassador’s daughter, was abducted for several hours and “severely tortured” by unidentified attackers on Friday, Afghanistan’s government says.

On Sunday, however, Pakistan’s interior minister appeared sceptical of the Afghan government’s version of events.

“She was not kidnapped, we have simply registered a case in which [she] says she was kidnapped,” Interior Minister Sheikh Rashid Ahmed told Pakistani television news channel Geo News.

Ahmed said that Pakistani authorities had traced Alikhil’s phone to at least four locations, where security camera footage showed her boarding several taxis. He said that the owners or drivers of at least three taxis were in Pakistani custody.

Ahmed also alleged that Alikhil had deleted the contents of her mobile phone before handing it over to authorities during the investigation.

The incident has come as a fresh blow to relations between the South Asian neighbours, between whom tensions have risen in recent weeks.

Top Afghan officials, including Afghan President Ashraf Ghani, have accused Pakistan of supporting the Afghan Taliban in its armed push against the Afghan government.

Pakistan has denied the accusation, with Prime Minister Imran Khan reiterating in a meeting with Ghani on Friday that “instability and conflict were not in Pakistan’s interest”.

| callum | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/24 06:56 PM | WUk9wdlQ |

President Joe Biden participated Wednesday in the second CNN town hall of his presidency, taking questions from anchor Don Lemon

and local residents in Cincinnati.

As he did at his February town hall, Biden made a number of false or misleading claims. We haven't been able to look into every

single thing he said Wednesday night, but here is a rundown on some of his remarks.

Covid-19 vaccines

Calling on Americans to get vaccinated against Covid-19, Biden said, "If you're vaccinated, you're not going to be hospitalized,

you're not going to be in the ICU unit and you're not going to die." In another exchange moments later, Biden said that even if

vaccinated people do "catch the virus," they are "not likely to get sick."

But then, during a third exchange, Biden said that since the vaccines "cover" the highly transmissible Delta variant of the virus:

"You're not going to get Covid if you have these vaccinations."

Facts First: Biden's second claim -- that vaccinated people are "not likely to get sick" -- was accurate. But the blanket promises

in his first and third comments -- that vaccinated people are simply "not going to be hospitalized," "not going to die" and, even

with the very contagious Delta variant, "not going to get Covid" -- were inaccurate.

Fact check: Joe Biden makes false claims about Covid-19, auto prices and other subjects at CNN town hall

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Covid-19 vaccines are highly effective, and they sharply reduce the likelihood of infection, serious illness and death. However,

contrary to Biden's categorical declarations, they do not guarantee that people will not get the virus or will not be hospitalized

or die. Even vaccinated people on Biden's own staff have been infected. So have a senior aide to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi,

multiple Democratic state legislators from Texas who have been in Washington, DC, this month; and various other high-profile

people.

The US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention does not endorse the definitive language Biden did. The CDC notes on its website

that "vaccine breakthrough cases will occur, even though the vaccines are working as expected" and "there will be a small

percentage of fully vaccinated people who still get sick, are hospitalized or die from Covid-19."

Experts emphasize that it is uncommon for fully vaccinated people to become seriously ill from Covid-19. CDC director Dr. Rochelle

Walensky said last Friday that more than 97% of Covid-19 patients hospitalized at present are unvaccinated; Surgeon General Dr.

Vivek Murthy said on CNN on Sunday that 99.5% of Covid-19 deaths at the moment are of unvaccinated people. But that means, of

course, that hospitalizations and deaths among the fully vaccinated do sometimes occur, as various US jurisdictions have reported

in recent days.

The CDC says that as of July 12 it had received reports of 1,063 deaths among vaccinated people with "breakthrough" cases, though

it cautioned that 26% of these deaths were "reported as asymptomatic or not related to COVID-19." The CDC said it had received

reports of 5,189 hospitalizations among vaccinated people with "breakthrough" cases, though 28% were "reported as asymptomatic or

not related to COVID-19."

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White House press secretary Jen Psaki sought to clarify Biden's statement that "you're not going to get Covid if you have these

vaccinations."

"Well, what the science says is that 97% of hospitalizations are people who were unvaccinated," Psaki said Thursday. "So yes, there

are cases of individuals who are vaccinated, to be absolutely clear, who have gotten Covid -- it is a very small percentage, and a

small number of people, and those cases, the vast, vast, vast majority, are asymptomatic and they have, they have minor symptoms,

which means that you are largely protected -- that was the point he was trying to make last night."

Auto prices

After he was asked by a citizen if he is concerned about higher prices, especially inflation in gasoline, automotive and food

prices, Biden asserted that "the cost of an automobile, it's kind of back to what it was before the pandemic."

Facts First: This is false, even with the wiggle room Biden granted himself with the phrase "kind of." Because of challenges

created by the Covid-19 pandemic, new car prices and used car prices are significantly higher today than they were before the

pandemic, whether "before the pandemic" means mid-2019 or early 2020. Used car prices have experienced a particularly large

increase.

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For new and used vehicles in US cities, the Consumer Price Index was about 20% higher in June 2021 than it was in January 2020 and

about 19% higher than in June 2019. Used cars and trucks were up about 43% in cities since January 2020 and about 41% since June

2019.

CNN Business senior writer Chris Isidore wrote Sunday that -- according to Edmunds, a company that tracks auto prices -- "the

average new car transaction in June was just shy of the record ,000 set in May, and up 10% from June 2019. The average used car

price soared even more, rising 28% in that two-year period to reach a record ,500."

Kelley Blue Book, which also tracks auto prices, reported this week that the average transaction price for a new light vehicle in

the US was an all-time high of ,258 in June 2021, not including applied consumer incentives. That's up about 12% from June 2019

and about 9% from January 2020, according to Kelley Blue Book spokeswoman Brenna Buehler.

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Kayla Reynolds, industry intelligence analyst for Cox Automotive, which owns Kelley Blue Book, said in an email: "Historically

tight new-vehicle inventory has helped push transaction prices higher throughout the past year. Incentives spending by the

automakers has also dropped notably, and new-vehicle affordability hit a ten-year low in June." Reynolds added that, given the

global microchip shortage that is still affecting vehicle manufacturing, analysts at Cox Automotive "don't expect new-vehicle

inventory to return to normal levels until next year, and even then consumers can't expect a significant price correction, only a

slowing of price increases."

Noncompete agreements

Biden criticized the broad corporate use of "noncompete" clauses that restrict workers' ability to leave for jobs at other

companies. He said, "For example, you have over 600,000 people out there signing -- 6 million people signing a -- I better check

the number -- of -- signing noncompete agreements. Not because they have ... any secret, but because they were working for one

fast-food restaurant, and they're told they can't get 10 cents more going across town, going to the other fast-food restaurant.

Why? To keep wages down."

Facts First: Biden made very clear he wasn't sure what the real number of workers was, but still the numbers he used were way off,

according to his own administration's previous estimates. Psaki told reporters on July 7 that noncompete agreements affect "over 30

million people" in the private sector. A White House document published on July 9, meanwhile, put the figure at "some 36 to 60

million workers," citing an estimate from the Economic Policy Institute think tank.

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In a July 9 executive order, Biden asked the chair of the Federal Trade Commission to "consider working" with the rest of the

commission to use its authority "to curtail the unfair use of non-compete clauses and other clauses or agreements that may unfairly

limit worker mobility."

An infrastructure letter

Talking about the ongoing Senate negotiations over a bipartisan infrastructure bill, Biden said he thinks the negotiators need only

until Monday to resolve outstanding issues. He said, "You had up to 20 Republicans sign a letter saying, 'We think we need this

deal. We think we need this deal.' "

Facts First: If he was talking about the letter that was in the news the day he spoke, Biden exaggerated the extent of Republican

support. According to Republican Sen. Rob Portman, 11 Republican senators sent a letter to Democratic Senate Majority Leader Chuck

Schumer in which they made clear they would vote no if Schumer held a procedural vote on Wednesday to advance the bipartisan

infrastructure proposal but that they intended to vote yes if a vote were held next Monday. (Biden did say "up to 20," not plain

"20," but 11 is so far away from 20 that the claim is at least misleading.)

Biden might have gotten the letter to Schumer mixed up with a public statement Wednesday in support of the infrastructure talks,

which was endorsed by 22 senators. But that statement, too, included the names of 11 Republicans -- 10 senators and one House

member.

The Wednesday vote failed. Schumer has the right to call another vote on Monday or in the future.
The child tax credit

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Touting his expansion of the child tax credit, which was part of the .9 trillion relief package he signed into law in March,

Biden claimed, "It's called the child tax credit. If you have a child under the age of 7, you get 300 bucks a month -- 350 bucks a

month. If you have a child under -- between 7 and 17, you get a total of 200 bucks a month."

Facts First: Biden was inaccurate in two ways -- both on the amount of the tax credit for the two age groups and on what the two

age groups actually are.

The age groups used to determine how much money families receive from the tax credit are: 1) ages 6 to 17 (not 7 to 17 as Biden

said): 2) under 6 (not under 7 as Biden said).

Eligible parents receive up to 0 per month for each child 6 to 17, not 0 as Biden said. They receive up to 0 a month for

each child under 6; Biden originally cited this amount but then incorrectly boosted the figure to 0.

Biden's initial vaccination goal

Biden said, "Now, by the way, remember when I first got elected, the issue was, well, I said I was going to do a million shots a

week, and people said, 'Biden can't do that' or 'Biden team can't do that.' And it was 2 million."

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Facts First: Biden misspoke here. His initial goal -- which some observers did indeed greet with skepticism -- was 1 million

Covid-19 shots a day, not 1 million shots "a week." Specifically, Biden had set a target of 100 million shots in his first 100

days.

Biden then raised the target to 200 million shots in his first 100 days. That goal was achieved.

Joe Biden’s obsession with scoring a bipartisan deal suddenly looks quite doable

President Joe Biden may finally be nearing the bipartisan win he's long yearned for but that some in his party say is politically

unnecessary and may ultimately prove fleeting.

Despite a failed vote on Wednesday to advance the roughly trillion bipartisan infrastructure deal, White House negotiators have

been working aggressively to settle disagreements with GOP senators.

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The White House supported Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer's move to force that vote, viewing it as necessary for kicking

negotiations into higher gear. As one White House official put it, the president knows when to give Democratic leaders space to

manage their caucus.

The move angered Republican negotiators. But it didn’t drive them away. By Wednesday afternoon, 10 GOP Senators had signed onto a

bipartisan statement saying they were prepared to vote to break a filibuster in a matter of days. Later that night, Biden credited

Sen. Rob Portman, (R-Ohio), for his work in negotiations, saying at a CNN town hall in Cincinnati that he takes Republicans at

their word and believes a deal with them would come together.

“This process is complicated, it's tricky, but it speaks to who this president is,” said Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) “He wants to

bend over backwards to get a bipartisan agreement.”

For weeks, Biden's pledge to find a bipartisan compromise appeared on life-support. Early negotiations with Senate Republicans

stalled and Democrats began openly fretting that the White House was being strung along by the opposition. Through it all, the

president’s aides projected calm to the point of it becoming a mantra inside the White House: Settle down. Take a breath. We’re not

giving up on it.

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If a deal on the massive bill materializes next week, as several senators involved in talks are suggesting, it would represent the

most significant validation to date of Biden’s commitment to bipartisanship. It would also support his claims that he possesses a

unique congressional acumen. Biden based a large part of his 2020 campaign on breaking the partisan fever in Washington. And though

he argued on Wednesday that it was working — “that's all beginning to move,” he said — many in his party warn that it could be a

waste of time and capital.

“There should be a limit to how far you're willing to bend over backwards, given that the American people did choose to put the

Democrats in charge of the White House and Congress,” Murphy added.

The White House’s zealous pursuit of a bipartisan deal was kept alive, in no small part, due to the team of top advisers Biden

installed to help work toward an agreement. The group includes Louisa Terrell, Biden’s director of the Office of Legislative

Affairs and Shuwanza Goff, deputy director of legislative affairs. Both Terrell and Goff are frequently on calls and in meetings

with House and Senate lawmakers and their staff and have continued to track the temperature of Democrats on both the bipartisan and

party-line reconciliation proposals.

"Every day we work to stay focused on how to come through, how to deliver investments people across the country have needed for a

long time,” Terrell said in a statement to POLITICO. “And we do that by being honest brokers with the parties, staying in touch

with leadership and key members, keeping our gaze on how to make steady progress, and not getting fazed."

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Senators and their aides, meanwhile, credit senior officials like White House counselor Steve Ricchetti and National Economic

Council director Brian Deese and acting director of the Office of Management and Budget Shalanda Young for showing commitment to a

deal.

Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), a member of the core negotiating group of five Republicans and five Democrats, said Ricchetti, Deese

and Young helped negotiators “by providing data on how much money is left in various accounts as a result of the Covid bills that

we passed in 2020.”

Though hang-ups remain over how to finance the bill, Collins credited Ricchetti for keeping talks moving, including after Biden

sent Republicans reeling last month when he said he’d reject the infrastructure deal if it reached his desk without the Democrats’

reconciliation package. In the past week, White House involvement ramped up, she said. Collins and Ricchetti had multiple calls

alone on Saturday.

“Steve has been really key,” Collins said. “He keeps his word and he’s easy to work with ... He is a hard worker, who represents

the president well, and given his experience he understands the Senate and negotiations, and that's a big plus.”

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Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), another member of the bipartisan group, said his office is routinely in talks with Deese.

“They've been very helpful the last couple days,” Cassidy said of the White House. “You trust people when they bring something to

the table and they've been bringing some things to the table.”

But even as Biden aides worked Republicans in the Senate, they’ve been developing contingency plans if the deal falls apart — both

to pass the package on their own and to make the case they went to extraordinary lengths to seek out a compromise and should be

credited for it.

“He ran on uniting the country and being a president for everyone and he has heard out the Republican senators on this,” said Ben

LaBolt, a Democratic strategist and former aide to Obama. “I think the average American recognizes that Biden leaned in hard here

and gave political muscle to the bipartisan deal.”

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But Biden’s insistence on pursuing bipartisan negotiations may not be cost free, fellow Democrats have warned. The size of the

infrastructure bill will be roughly half of what he initially proposed. And there is no guarantee that Democrats can include all

the elements left out of the bipartisan legislation in their .5 trillion reconciliation package. Others in the party insist

Biden’s team needs to focus more on selling his current accomplishments or else voters may not give him credit.

For those reasons and others, few Democrats have openly shared Biden’s commitment to getting a bipartisan deal done. Those who do

are primarily the ones working directly on the narrow infrastructure bill.

“This week when we did have the White House present at some of our meetings, they worked for hours,” said Collins. “We were meeting

from like seven till 11 at night.”

Ultimately, Collins said, the fate of the deal is “a make or break opportunity for the president.”

“If we do not successfully conclude these negotiations, produce and pass a bipartisan infrastructure bill,” Collins said, “then I

see very little hope for bipartisan cooperation on other issues.”

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But Democrats already say there is little reason to believe, given recent history, that Republicans will be open to cooperation

elsewhere. On Wednesday morning, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said he doubted a single Republican would vote to raise the

debt ceiling. Others pointed to the lack of Republican cooperation on most Democratic priorities and its rejection of an

independent commission to study the Jan. 6 insurrection.

“Unity was never a thing: Republicans won’t allow it,” said Paul Maslin, a veteran Democratic pollster. “Biden was elected to calm

the country down and produce some results particularly on the pandemic and the economy. If an infrastructure deal can help in both

then it’s a good thing. If the Republicans prevent that then he makes sure to tell the people in the middle that he is doing what

they wanted him to.”

Ultimately, Democratic lawmakers said, the White House has positioned itself well under challenging circumstances — giving

bipartisanship a good try while not being naive about the tough political climate the president finds himself in.

“Biden has a reputation as being a skilled negotiator and a knowledgeable parliamentarian, and he's working with people in the

Senate, who he served with,” said Rep.Hank Johnson (D-Ga.) “But everyone knows that the politics of today are unlike politics of

old when he was in the Senate and so his ability to achieve bipartisan consensus is severely challenged.”

Ordinary Joe Biden

It's often said that each US president is the direct antidote to the excesses of his predecessor.

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You might have noticed that Donald Trump -- who made his name by literally splashing it across apartment blocks, hotels, airliners,

steaks and pretty much anything else that could be sold -- was not the humblest president in US history. He was forever boasting

about how smart he was, awarding himself A grades for his often-questionable performance -- for instance, on the pandemic -- and

boasting falsely that no president before him had achieved what he did.

Joe Biden is just the opposite. In a clear reaction to the Trump years, he's made the presidency less noisy and attention-grabbing.
Biden's humility was on display throughout the CNN town hall in Ohio on Wednesday night when he spoke about his administration's

pandemic response. "One of the things that we're doing is what I've done -- we've done, excuse me -- my team has done," the

President said. Later the ex-senator and former vice president argued that he was a foreign policy expert -- but in the most modest

way. "I've had a lot of experience internationally. And I mean that -- not good or bad, just I have," he said.

Biden said his recent first foreign trip had made him realize his new status -- but he avoided puffing his own ego. "The only place

I have felt like what the office connotes is when I went to Europe and watched the rest of the heads of state react to me -- not

me, because I'm the President of the United States of America," Biden said.

Of course, Biden knows what he's doing. Making out that he's just like any other American is good politics. He's following a method

that he's long used on the campaign trail to burnish his ordinary Joe image. He's using modesty as a political weapon, and the fact

that he is not personally objectionable creates an aura of moderation even though some of his social policy plans are quite

radical.

But he's been around long enough -- and been scarred by enough personal tragedy -- that it's pretty clear that his personality

isn't just an act. At the end of the town hall, Biden told CNN's Don Lemon a self-deprecating story that underscored how different

he was from Trump.

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"The first time I walked downstairs and they played 'Hail to the Chief,' I wondered, 'Where is he?' No, you think I'm kidding. I'm

not kidding."

"It's a great tune, but ... you feel a little self-conscious," the President added.

The Republican reversal on vaccines

Biden calls it the Republican Party's altar call.

There's been a sudden epiphany as lawmakers and TV opinion hosts from the Republican Party and Fox News -- two organs more than

happy to raise skepticism about Covid-19 vaccines -- have changed their tune. In a striking statement, Sean Hannity, one of Fox's

most watched conservative pundits, called on his viewers this week to get their shots. "I can't say it enough. Enough people have

died. We don't need any more death," Hannity said on his show. In fairness, Hannity, a Trump confidant, had spoken out on vaccines

before, despite often downplaying the pandemic. But such a strident message from such a powerful conservative opinion host led a

chorus of other Fox hosts to board the vaccine train.

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One of the top people in the House Republican leadership, Rep. Steve Scalise of Louisiana, took the plunge and went to TV to urge

viewers to do the same after waiting months to get his dose. This came after some members of Scalise's House caucus compared Biden

to a Nazi because he sent teams into hard-hit states to plead with people to get the life-saving shots.
What's behind the sudden change of heart?
It's always possible -- though admittedly unfathomable in Washington -- that people are simply, finally, doing the right thing.

More likely, there's a realization that it's not good politics or business for the Republican Party or Fox to see its viewers

getting sick and dying.

Almost all of the states with the lowest vaccination rates and highest new case numbers in a summer surge of Covid-19 fueled by the

Delta variant are Republican-run. Hospitals all over Trump country are filling up. There are tales from doctors and nurses of

patients pleading for vaccines on their death beds, when it is too late.

Whatever the reason -- and frustrated by the previous conservative torrent of misinformation about vaccines -- Biden will take it.

"They've had an altar call, some of those guys," Biden, a devout Roman Catholic, said at the CNN town hall on Wednesday night. "All

of a sudden, they're out there saying, 'Let's get vaccinated' .... I shouldn't make fun. That's good."

| asoy geboy | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/23 07:49 PM | R2ItP2K2 |

Joe Biden's presidency is only six months old, but the mood inside the White House can often feel like a race against time.

"The clock is running. We all know that," a senior adviser to Biden said, speaking on condition of anonymity. "The President certainly knows that."

Biden has three-and-a-half years remaining in his term, but his senior advisers speak frequently about the sense of urgency facing his presidency, with the next year almost certain to be dominated by midterm elections that could take away the Democratic majorities in Congress he needs to pass his agenda.

In West Wing meetings lately, White House chief of staff Ron Klain has impressed upon aides the critical importance of the next few weeks.

Recognizing the stakes, Biden and his team are sharpening their strategy to confront an epic set of challenges that some of his allies fear could impart lasting political damage: Covid cases are spiking, inflation is up, border crossings are rising, the Taliban are taking over Afghanistan and a much-touted bipartisan infrastructure agreement is teetering on the brink.

If Biden ever had a honeymoon period -- after inheriting a raging global pandemic, there is a good argument he did not -- it is clear at the six-month point of his presidency that it is over.

At the White House and on the road, the President has begun adopting a more aggressive stance against Republicans and other critics, including on voting rights and the Afghanistan withdrawal.

'The clock is running': Joe Biden and his White House sharpen their strategy to confront epic challenges

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The administration recently launched an offensive against vaccine disinformation it believes is helping to drive Covid cases among the unvaccinated, inadvertently sparking a tiff with Facebook.

And Biden himself plans to tighten his focus in coming weeks on popular elements of a sweeping legislative agenda that hangs in the balance, according to officials, hoping to sway Americans in red-leaning areas.

Still, internal divides persist among officials in some fraught areas, like immigration and Covid reopening plans, with heightened debate over how single decisions could resonate politically. And Biden's penchant for going off-script has thrown his team into cleanup mode at multiple points so far.

For all of his focus on returning a semblance of normalcy to the presidency, Biden has now entered the familiar territory of his predecessors: a period of uncertainty and events transpiring far outside of best-laid plans. How he and his team manage those events will have repercussions beyond a single piece of legislation or foreign policy decision.

Instead, they could determine his ability to navigate a sweeping legislative agenda, tenuous House and Senate majorities and, to a degree, his entire first term.

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Trouble ahead

The coming weeks will play a considerable role in defining the success of the Biden presidency, particularly whether the White House is able to keep a bipartisan coalition together on the first piece of his infrastructure plan and keep Democrats united on a broader package that would dramatically remake the nation's social safety network by touching all facets of American life.

But other forces are also gathering that Biden's aides are eyeing closely, wary of their potential to distract from or consume his agenda.

Chief among them is the issue of rising Covid cases, driven by the highly contagious Delta variant, which has been tearing through communities where vaccination rates remain low. The average of new daily cases this week is up 66% from last week and 145% from two weeks ago, as cases surge in 44 states, according to data from Johns Hopkins University. In addition, hospitalizations are up 26% from last week.

Officials are also watching with concern as border crossings tick back up, mindful of Biden's relatively low approval ratings on immigration and the struggle the administration faced earlier this year when waves of migrants arrived at the border, overwhelming federal resources. US border authorities in June arrested or turned away the highest monthly number of migrants at the US-Mexico border in at least a decade.

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The two issues have converged in discussions over how and when to reopen US borders to travel, leading to tense conversations among officials over the health and political risks of opening up too soon.

Biden and his team insist that little in their current predicament comes as a surprise. And they point to major strides against the pandemic and to an economic resurgence as signs of the President's capacity to lead the nation from a place of darkness.

"He identified, when he took office, four big priorities or crises of his presidency: health, the pandemic, climate ... and addressing racial injustice," press secretary Jen Psaki said on Tuesday. "Those are crises and those are challenges he will continue to spend his time working toward and making progress on."

In many areas, administration officials also believe, dire numbers paint a gloomier portrait than reality. Rising Covid caseloads have not prompted a similarly grave spike in hospitalizations or deaths, though both are still increasing among unvaccinated people.

And while prices are rising, causing anxiety over inflation, administration officials have firmly rejected the idea that price increases are here to stay or represent a broader threat to the economy.

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Still, there was a recognition, officials said, that a one-off pushback against inflation attacks wasn't having a substantial effect. The issue had also started to elevate in polling, both publicly and in internal polls, according to officials, something that carried risks to Biden's sweeping legislative proposals.

That was the driving force behind the White House decision to proactively address inflation concerns in scheduled economic remarks this week -- remarks that sought to flip the attack on its head by citing the design of Biden's spending proposals as a long-term balm to price instability.

"If your primary concern right now is inflation, you should be even more enthusiastic about this plan," Biden said in the remarks.
Still, officials have reiterated they are keeping a close eye on the subject and have put a particular focus on efforts to ease supply-chain issues, both in the near term and in laying the groundwork for longer-term solutions.

In an acknowledgment of the uncertainty at the heart of economic data in this moment, Biden also added, "My administration understands that if we were to ever experience unchecked inflation over the long term, that would pose a real challenge to our economy. So while we're confident that isn't what we're seeing today, we're going to remain vigilant about any response that is needed."

Selling the agenda

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Biden's role in the days and weeks ahead will be to sell the public on his most popular proposals, according to officials. He has voiced repeatedly a desire to avoid what he saw as a mistake during his tenure as vice president, when he said his advice to then-President Barack Obama to better explain his agenda went unheard.

Internally, there is a recognition that individual pieces of Biden's plans -- from child and home care to education and paid leave -- poll well in isolation. Highlighting those pieces, instead of a broad focus on the entirety of what would be a transformative agenda, will be a focal point.

It's an open question whether the President will deliver on his quest to reach a bipartisan agreement on infrastructure or police reform, but the White House is intent on showing the country that he is trying. The White House selected Ohio as the site of a Wednesday town hall meeting on CNN, following in the line of several recent Biden trips to areas that are more red than blue.
Bill Stearns, a Cincinnati lawyer, said the opening months of the Biden administration have exceeded his expectations, given the myriad challenges facing the White House.

"It's such a relief to be able to wake up in the morning, know that the nation is in safe hands," Stearns said in an interview this week, reflecting on the last six months. "I think it's even better than I thought, doing what he's attempting to do with the economy and trying to get out of the pandemic."

For Biden, a salesmanship strategy tracks closely to his own stated desire to find the best ways to message his plans. In private meetings, he's constantly asking advisers for the best way to explain, in layman's terms, why the proposals should garner support across the country, two officials said.

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That was on display when he defended his decision to withdraw from Afghanistan this month, insisting forcefully that no amount of sustained American presence there could resolve the country's intractable problems.

Still, just as often, the result turns into remarks that can be detail-laden and even long-winded. Biden himself has taken to acknowledging that in real time, apologizing when he thinks he's getting too in the weeds on a specific issue or tacitly acknowledging that the details of tax or paid-leave policy may not exactly set the crowd on fire.

"I know that's a boring speech," Biden said after a half-hour address on infrastructure in the Chicago suburbs. But he quickly followed with a key point: "But it's an important speech."

Aides doubt there is a way to pull the President away from the details-oriented approach, and many believe explaining why specific policies matter to the broader public is his strong suit. Still, moves to sharpen the focus on narrow pieces of the plan are likely to become a more central element of his public appearances, according to people familiar with the plans.
Behind the scenes, White House officials have been deeply engaged in negotiations over both elements of Biden's legislative agenda: the bipartisan infrastructure plan and a more partisan budget bill. They have turned in recent days to the arduous process of turning the bipartisan framework into legislative text.

As Senate Democrats set a procedural vote this week as a deadline to help jump-start the talks -- and as some progressive Democrats in both chambers anxiously warned of wasting too much time in pursuit of a final agreement -- the White House has remained steadfast in its efforts, officials said.

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They view the deal as a linchpin for Biden's overall agenda: critical to securing a major bipartisan win he deeply wants, while also providing a key element that moderate Democrats have made clear they must have in order to go along with the second proposal.

Back on the trail

In Congress, Biden's challenges are rooted in the narrow majorities held by Democrats in both chambers -- the same margins that Democrats fear could be at stake if the current turbulence extends into midterm election season. Biden, whose own campaign last year was drastically altered due to the pandemic, is set to resume in-person politicking this week when he stumps in Northern Virginia for Terry McAuliffe, who is looking to return to the governor's mansion in elections later this year.

Officials said they expected his message to underscore the progress the country has made against the virus -- while also taking apart Republicans for standing in his way.

Democrats are fighting to maintain control of Congress in 2022 in contests that historically fare poorly for the sitting president's party. Biden has visited several House battlegrounds in recent weeks where Democrats hope to either hang on to vulnerable seats or defeat Republicans who won narrowly last year.

So far, Biden hasn't ventured further west than Texas, where he visited in February to tour the site of devastating storms. And he has not spent a night at a hotel in the United States, limiting his travel to states where he can return home at the end of the day.

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The close-to-home itineraries are partly due to the pandemic, which limited travel options in the early months of Biden's presidency. But Biden has also expressed a penchant for returning home at the end of the day, a trait he shares with his predecessor.

By this point in their presidencies, Trump and Barack Obama had each traveled to a relatively similar number of states: Trump had visited 15 at the six-month mark, while Obama had been to 17. Like Biden, Trump stuck close to the East Coast, traveling only as far as Iowa during his first half-year in office. Obama had ventured farther afield, making stops in Colorado, New Mexico, Arizona, Nevada and California.

Then versus now

One thing the White House has no plans to depart from is Biden's regular public remarks on the pandemic. They serve a dual purpose, officials say: reminding the country, particularly as the Delta variant ravages unvaccinated portions of the country, that despite the administration's success in delivering vaccinations, the pandemic is very much still ongoing.

But it's also an area where Biden has consistently held high marks in polling for his administration's efforts -- success that administration officials stress was not a sure thing when he first set foot in the White House.

It's not a small consideration inside the White House, where officials have varying levels of concern that progress on the economic and public health fronts could be forgotten or dismissed amid new challenges or crises that confront Biden -- a natural occurrence for any president, but one that officials have pushed to counter by repeatedly harking back to where the country stood when he was inaugurated.

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It's what drives the top of most of Biden's remarks -- a deliberate effort to walk back through where things were, and where things are now, officials say. At this point it almost feels pro forma -- yet the explicit recaps are viewed internally as an essential public reminder as Biden drives into a moment of his presidency that is, in many ways, out of his control.

Gone are the 100-day plans, the leveraging of underutilized or atrophied executive branch authorities or powers to boost advances or sweeping reviews to forestall definitive action on complex issues.

In place of those actions are tenuous negotiations with fickle lawmakers and the narrowest of majorities, geopolitical forces constantly probing and testing, and crises both man-made and natural -- lying in wait.

"I really do believe that, temperamentally, the President is thinking more in terms of years and decades than his predecessor was ever even remotely capable of doing," said Jon Meacham, the presidential historian who has advised Biden.

"It's fascinating that we have a 78-year-old American President who thought his political career was done," he said. "And yet history and fate have brought this man back to try to manage a pandemic, manage a deep crisis in democracy, manage what I think of is a crisis of trust."

Here’s Joe Biden’s report card after six months in the White House

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The first marking period is over and President Biden’s grades are coming in.

During his bitter, hard-fought race with former President Donald Trump, Biden made promises that include beating the coronavirus, reviving the economy and restoring bipartisanship and national unity.

Six months after Inauguration Day, some of his pledges have been kept while most remain either clear failures or unfulfilled.

Meanwhile, Biden’s longstanding tendency toward gaffes has political opponents questioning whether age is finally catching up with him after being sworn in at 78 to become the oldest president in US history.

Here are some of the make-or-break subjects that will determine Biden’s fate as the nation’s 46th commander-in-chief:

COVID-19

Even before he was inaugurated, Biden set a meager goal of administering 100 million shots of COVID-19 vaccines to Americans during the first 100 days of his administration — with the US reaching that benchmark in just 58.

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But after announcing that the government had bought “enough vaccine supply to vaccinate all Americans,” he set a July 4 target for having 70 percent of adults vaccinated so people “will be able to get together in your backyard or in your neighborhood and have a cookout or a barbecue and celebrate Independence Day.”

As the pace of vaccinations slowed amid bizarre conspiracy theories circulated online as well as other factors, the White House gave up on that goal and Biden warned that the pandemic “has not been vanquished” during the annual Fourth of July cookout on the South Lawn.

Meanwhile, coronavirus cases and deaths have been spiking across the US, fueled in part by the spread of the highly contagious Delta variant and the slowdown in vaccinations, which Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Director Rochelle Walensky said Friday was creating a “pandemic of the unvaccinated.”

Phil Kerpen, of the conservative group “American Commitment,” a Washington, DC-nonprofit that promotes free markets and property rights, said Biden deserved a “C” for his handling of the pandemic.

“Can’t give higher because he hired Walensky, let the teachers unions hold kids hostage for tax dollars, and kept the ‘maskerade’ going for months and even now for kids,” Kerpen said.

“But can’t give him lower because he kept the vaccine rollout on track and it has been successful.”

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The economy

Government spending to ease the impact of the pandemic, coupled with mass vaccinations, led the country’s gross domestic product to surge 6.4 percent during the first quarter of 2021, with some economists saying the growth is likely to continue throughout the year.

But last week’s unemployment figures showed 3.2 million workers remained out of work even as new claims for jobless benefits dipped to a new pandemic low.

And a poll last week showed that more than 1.8 million jobless people turned down work during the pandemic due to hefty unemployment benefits.

Meanwhile, inflation has been surging, with consumer prices rising 5.4 percent in June, marking the highest monthly increase in almost 13 years — when the economy was about to collapse amid the financial crisis that led to the Great Recession.

On Monday, Biden called the price hikes “temporary” and “expected” following the COVID-19 pandemic, saying about 60 percent were the result of “transitory effects” that resulted in shortages of semiconductors and lumber.

“The reality is you can’t flip the global economics light back and not expect this to happen,” Biden said.

But Rep. Kevin Brady (R-Texas) held Biden responsible for the rising consumer costs.

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“At this six-month point on this economic report card, we would give him an inflation-adjusted F,” Brady told CNBC.

Kerpen gave Biden an “F” on his handling of the economy.

“Every single thing Biden has done has pointed in the direction of higher prices, from the trillions in spending, to the unemployment bonuses, to the energy production and distribution restrictions,” he said.

“And now he’s proposing 30 tax hikes including a second death tax, another to trillion in spending, and everything on the wish list of union bosses.”

Bipartisanship

Biden served as a US senator from Delaware for 36 years and earned a bipartisanship ranking that placed him 47th out of all 250 senators between 1993 and 2008, according to a study by The Lugar Center, a nonprofit think tank founded by the late Sen. Richard Lugar (R-Indiana), and Georgetown University’s McCourt School of Public Policy.

And during his campaign, Biden repeatedly pledged to work with Republicans, including during an Oct. 6 speech in Gettysburg, Penn., where he invoked President Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address and said, “We need to revive the spirit of bipartisanship in this country, the spirit of being able to work with one another.”

But his first major legislative achievement — a .9 trillion coronavirus relief bill dubbed the “American Rescue Plan Act” — was pushed through both the House of Representatives and the Senate without any Republican votes following a failed effort by 10 GOP senators to scale back the spending to 0 billion.

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During remarks at the signing ceremony, Biden claimed that the measure still enjoyed bipartisan support due to polling that showed it was favored by “an overwhelming percentage of the American people — Democrats, independents, our Republican friends.”

Meanwhile, Biden’s signature infrastructure plan has been marked by a series of bipartisan fits and starts over a .2 trillion spending proposal — on transportation, clean drinking water, broadband internet and the power grid — to which Republicans agreed in principle last month.

But GOP support for that measure is jeopardized by Democratic plans to tie its passage to that of a larger, .5 trillion “human infrastructure” budget bill that includes increased spending on social programs and the potential granting of permanent residency or citizenship to millions of illegal immigrants.

On Monday, Sen. Lindsay Graham (R-S.C.) also accused Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) of trying to thwart ongoing negotiations over the bipartisan bill by scheduling a vote on it for Wednesday, saying, “We’re not going to proceed to a bill that’s not written, because that makes no sense.”

Ryan Williams, president of the conservative Claremont Institute think tank in Upland, Calif., said, “The first six months of the Biden administration have shown his campaign promises to heal and unite to be lies or at best disingenuous.”

“President Biden seems determined to deepen our civic divisions and play with the fire that has often consumed republics,” he added.

Border crisis

Ahead of a 2019 Democratic presidential debate in Miami, Biden penned an op-ed that accused then-President Donald Trump of having replaced the “sound strategy” on immigration of former President Barack Obama “with hostility and inflammatory rhetoric” and instead promised new policies “that reflect our American values.”

Within weeks of Biden’s election victory, hundreds of Hondurans began organizing caravans to the US on social media following a pair of hurricanes that devastated the Central American country amid the continuing COVID-19 pandemic.

And although Biden reversed course and said he wouldn’t immediately undo Trump’s asylum restrictions, just days before his inauguration, one Honduran migrant whose caravan was stopped at the Guatemalan border told CNN that the incoming president was “going to help all of us.”

“He’s giving us 100 days to get to the US and give us legal…papers, so we can get a better life for our kids, and for our families,” the man added.

When the number of children illegally crossing into the US from Mexico later surged, Biden in March appointed Vice President Kamala Harris “to lead our efforts with Mexico and the Northern Triangle and the countries that are going to need help in stemming” the flow.

More than three months later, Harris in late June finally made her first trip as immigration czar to the southern border and met with detained migrant children, later claiming there’s been “extreme progress” to stem the crisis, including “in addressing the root causes.”

But she skipped US border towns that have been greatly impacted by the surging crisis.

Meanwhile, preliminary data recently showed that attempted border crossings during the first seven months of 2021 will likely exceed 1 million, hitting a mark last reached in 2006 — when it took until December.

US Rep. James Comer (R-Ky.) and Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) on Tuesday released a report that blamed Biden for creating a “security, humanitarian and public health crisis on the southwest border.”

“In just six months, President Biden has ignited the worst crisis at the border in decades,” Comer said in a prepared statement.

“Starting on day one in office, President Biden in both word and action has put illegal immigrants first and Americans last through his radical open borders agenda.”

Police oversight commission

Shortly after last year’s caught-on-camera murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis cop Derek Chauvin — and amid mass protests and riots across the country — then-candidate Biden promised that if elected, he’d create a national police oversight commission during his first 100 days in office.

“We need each and every police department in the country to undertake a comprehensive review of their hiring, their training and their de-escalation practices,” he said during a June 2, 2020, speech in Philadelphia.

“And the federal government should give them the tools and resources they need to implement reforms.

But the White House put the plan on ice 81 days after Biden’s inauguration, saying that national civil rights groups and police unions both believed the proposed commission wasn’t needed.

“Based on close, respectful consultation with partners in the civil rights community, the administration made the considered judgment that a police commission, at this time, would not be the most effective way to deliver on our top priority in this area, which is to sign the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act into law,” Domestic Policy Council Director Susan Rice told Politico.

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Congressional Democrats introduced that bill in June 2020 following an event at which party leaders donned African-style kente cloth scarves and kneeled for eight minutes and 46 seconds in memory of what House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called Floyd’s “martyrdom” when Chauvin kneeled on his neck for the same amount of time.

But although the House overwhelmingly passed the bill days later, it languished in the Senate amid Republican objections to provisions that include the elimination of “qualified immunity” for cops who get sued in civil court over alleged brutality.

Lawmakers blew past a deadline Biden set for May 25 — the first anniversary of Floyd’s slaying — before announcing a deal on the outlines of a compromise measure late last month.

But the negotiators — Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.), Sen. Cory Booker (D-N.J.) and Rep. Karen Bass (D-Calif.) — noted, “There is still more work to be done on the final bill, and nothing is agreed to until everything is agreed to.”

Gaffes

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Biden’s history of insults, angry outbursts and tone-deaf remarks — especially on the subject of race — led him to bluntly acknowledge in 2018: “I am a gaffe machine.”

And on that subject, he’s more than lived up to expectations since taking office, with a series of unforced errors and flubs that included referring to Vice President Kamala Harris as “President Harris” during a March 18 speech at the White House.

Earlier that month, Biden also appeared to forget the name of Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin during a White House event, referring to the former US Army general as “the guy who runs that outfit over there.”

Biden’s first overseas trip as president featured several bloopers during last month’s G-7 summit in Cornwall, England, where he was caught on camera trying to correct British Prime Minister Boris Johnson for not introducing “the president of South Africa” as a visiting dignitary — even though Johnson had already done so, by name.

The incident led other world leaders to burst out laughing as French President Emanuel Macron tried to make light of the situation.

During a subsequent news conference, Biden repeatedly referred to the international COVAX vaccine distribution program as “COVID” — which the White House corrected, using brackets, in an official transcript — and he also confused Libya and Syria three times while discussing efforts to aid residents of the latter, war-torn country.

Days later, a group of House Republicans — led by former White House doctor and Rep. Ronny Jackson (R-Texas) — called on Biden to take a cognitive test and release the results “so the American people know the full mental and intellectual health of their President.”

| jajang haji | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/21 09:57 PM | .oj911Ow |

President Joe Biden declared preserving voting rights an urgent national “test of our time” on Tuesday but offered few concrete proposals to meet it. Texas Democrats took their own dramatic action to stymie Republican efforts to tighten ballot restrictions in their state.

Biden, who has proclaimed protecting ballot access the central cause of his presidency, has faced sharp criticism from allies for not doing more, though political headwinds and stubborn Senate math have limited his ability to act. Despite his ringing words Tuesday, he avoided any mention of trying to alter the Senate filibuster rule that stands in the path of federal legislation.

Speaking at the National Constitution Center in Philadelphia, Biden called state efforts to curtail voting accessibility “un-American” and “un-democratic” and launched a broadside against his predecessor, Donald Trump, who baselessly alleged misconduct in the 2020 election after his defeat. Biden called passage of congressional proposals to override new state voting restrictions and to restore parts of the Voting Rights Act that were curbed in recent years by the Supreme Court “a national imperative.”

Yet, instead of raising the possibility of fighting the filibuster, he appeared to tacitly acknowledge the fading hopes for the bills, saying he would launch a nationwide campaign to arm voters with information on rule changes and restrictions ahead of the 2022 midterm elections.

Joe Biden blasts ‘un-American’ voting limits; Texas Dems act

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“We have to prepare now,” the president said.

Biden’s sharp rhetoric drew praise from progressive groups in his party but did little to assuage the mounting pressure on him to throw his weight behind replacing the filibuster. “The president believes that we have to make the filibuster work the way it used to,” said White House deputy press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre, who added Biden has not changed his opposition to eliminating it altogether.

Biden’s remarks came a day after Texas Democrats decamped for Washington in an effort to deny their GOP-controlled Legislature the necessary quorum to pass a bill placing new restrictions on voting in the state.

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The lawmakers, who arrived in the nation’s capital Monday night, said they were prepared to stay in Washington — out of the reach of Texas law enforcement — until a special legislative session concludes early next month. Their action marks a dramatic new showdown over voting in America.

Standing near the steps of the U.S. Capitol for a news conference ahead of a meeting with Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, the Democrats promised to “stay out and kill this bill.”

However, state Rep. Chris Turner, the leader of the Texas Legislature’s House Democrats, said their efforts would ultimately be futile unless congressional Democrats take bolder action to overcome a Senate Republican blockade of the sweeping federal voting bill. The legislation, known as the For the People Act, would create national standards for voting that could roll back some of the restrictions that have been approved or are advancing in Republican-led states, including Texas.

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“We can’t hold this tide back forever. We’re buying some time. We need Congress and all of our federal leaders to use that time wisely,” Turner said.

Several states have enacted new voting restrictions, and others are debating them, as the GOP has seized on Trump’s false claim of massive voter fraud in the 2020 election as a rationale for curtailing ballot access.

“No other election has ever been held under such scrutiny, such high standards,” Biden said of the 2020 race.

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Some GOP-led states have worked to roll back the vote-by-mail expansion that was put in place in the past presidential election due to COVID-19 fears. Others have tried to strengthen voter identification requirements and curtail hours and locations for early voting and ballot drop-offs.

Texas Republican Gov. Greg Abbott said he would keep calling special sessions through next year if necessary to pass his state’s legislation, and raised the possibility of Democrats facing arrest upon returning home.

Asked whether Biden thinks the Texas legislators are doing the right thing by leaving the state, Jean-Pierre said “he applauds their courage.” She said that in the administration’s view, the Texas bill is an “assault on democracy.”

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Vice President Kamala Harris, who is leading the administration’s efforts on voting rights, praised the Texas legislators during a meeting with them in Washington.

“Defending the right of the American people to vote is as American as apple pie,” she told the lawmakers, comparing their actions to women’s suffrage and civil rights marches.

Democrats on Capitol Hill have tried to respond with a sweeping federal voting and elections bill that Senate Republicans have united to block. Most Republicans have similarly dismissed a separate bill, the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act, which would restore sections of the Voting Rights Act that the Supreme Court has weakened.

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Those roadblocks have increased focus on Senate filibuster rules, which, if left in place, would seem to provide an insurmountable roadblock, requiring 60 votes in the evenly split, 100-member chamber to even bring up controversial legislation.

Moderate Democrats including Sens. Joe Manchin of West Virginia and Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona also have so far expressed reluctance to changing the Senate rules.

Many Democrats have expressed frustration with the lack of a greater White House push to change the filibuster, with civil rights activists stressing that Biden was elected with broad support from Black people whose votes are often put at risk by voting restrictions.

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The Rev. Al Sharpton, who attended Biden’s address, called it a “good speech,” but also said, “I told him that I was going to stay on him about the filibuster.” He described Biden as noncommittal on the issue.

Biden, himself a veteran of the Senate, has offered some support for filibuster changes. But he has not put his full political weight behind the issue, believing it counterproductive in both the legislative and political fights over voting. He and Harris met last week with some of the civil rights leaders, who made clear that they expected a legislative solution.

“Our backs are against the wall. This is the moment. We have no more time,” said Sherrilyn Ifill, president of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, after the meeting. “I told the president: We will not be able to litigate our way out of this threat to Black citizenship.”

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“Administrative action, litigation, and organizing are critical to combat this, but these tactics are not a substitute for congressional action on the For the People Act and John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act,” Karen Hobert Flynn, president of the group Common Cause, said Tuesday. “As the president ramps up his use of the bully pulpit and engages with senators, we urge him to make clear that the Senate minority’s use of the filibuster—a Jim Crow relic, in the words of former President Obama—must never stand in the way of the freedom to vote.”

Although not abandoning hope of legislative action, the West Wing has been shifting focus to other measures to protect voting, including legal remedies pursued by the Justice Department and action in individual states, according to officials. There also will be an emphasis on boosting voter turnout, with aides pointing to success Democrats had in getting out votes last year during the height of the pandemic.

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Officials concede, though, that turning out voters is always harder in a nonpresidential election year.

Texas Democrats dig in after exodus; GOP threatens arrest

Texas Democrats who hurriedly fled to Washington to block sweeping new election laws back home acknowledged Tuesday they can't stay away forever and urged Congress to act on voting rights, while Republican Gov. Greg Abbott threatened them with arrest the moment they return.

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As Democrats gathered at the U.S. Capitol, Republicans in the unusually skeletal Texas House of Representatives authorized finding and bringing back more than 50 lawmakers "under warrant of arrest if necessary." However, state troopers have no jurisdiction beyond Texas, making it unclear what if any actions would immediately be taken. A House Democrat who stayed behind said it was his understanding was that officers would search for his absent colleagues in Texas, even if it's known they're in Washington.

Abbott has already threatened Democrats with arrest once they come back home, which may not be until the current 30-day special session ends in August. Though that would successfully stymie the GOP's current effort, Abbott has vowed to keep trying until the 2022 elections if necessary.

In Washington, the Democrats pressured President Joe Biden and Congress to act on voting at the federal level while rejecting the idea of returning to Texas anytime soon, promising to "stay out and kill this bill."

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State Rep. Chris Turner, the Texas House Democratic leader, predicted their efforts would ultimately be futile unless congressional Democrats take bolder action to overcome a Senate Republican blockade of their sweeping voting bill. The legislation, known as the For the People Act, would create national standards for voting that could roll back some restrictions that have been approved or are advancing in the Republican-led states, including Texas.

"We can't hold this tide back forever. We're buying some time. We need Congress and all of our federal leaders to use that time wisely," he said.

The move by Republicans was expected after most Texas House Democrats boarded private planes Monday to deny Republicans the quorum necessary to conduct business — namely, passing one of America's most restrictive voting measures. Other lighting-rod conservative issues that Abbott put on the agenda — including how race is taught in schools and new abortion restrictions — were also shelved with the Legislature now at a standstill.

"A sergeant-at-arms and any officers appointed by him are directed to send for all absentees whose attendance is not excused, for the purpose of securing and maintaining their attendance, by warrant of arrest if necessary," Republican House Speaker Dade Phelan said.

Shortly after the vote, sergeant-at-arms in the House locked the chamber doors. Four Democrats who did not flee to Washington were among the lawmakers still inside, while the voting mechanisms on the desks of absent Democrats were locked.

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A spokesman for the Texas Department of Public Safety, which oversees state troopers and the Texas Rangers, did not comment after the remaining House members approved the measure 76-4.

State Rep. Eddie Morales, one of four Democrats who stayed behind, said it his understanding that troopers would not leave Texas.

"I was told they will go to your home back in your district, they will go to your place of work, they will got to your apartment in Austin or wherever you live close by when you're in session. And also family and friends that they may know of," he said.

Despite the exodus by Democrats, Abbott has said Republicans will not be deterred.

"As soon as they come back in the state of Texas, they will be arrested, they will be cabined inside the Texas Capitol until they get their job done," Abbott told Austin television station KVUE.

The cross-country exodus was the second time that Democratic lawmakers have staged a walkout over the voting overhaul, a measure of their fierce opposition to proposals they say will make it harder for young people, people of color and people with disabilities to vote. Like last month's effort, there remains no clear path for Democrats to permanently block the voting measures.

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Biden was set to deliver a major address on the issue Tuesday in Philadelphia, after facing growing criticism for taking what some on the left call too passive a role in the fight.

The Texas legislation would outlaw 24-hour polling places, ban drop boxes for mail ballots and empower partisan poll watchers. Republicans say the measures are needed to fight fraud. Democrats counter that fraud is very rare and the bills target their supporters.

The measures are part of the GOP's rush to enact new voting restrictions in response to former President Donald Trump's false claims that the 2020 election was stolen. More than a dozen states this year have already passed tougher election laws — but only in Texas have Democrats put up this kind of fight.

The state has a history of attention-getting political tactics. Texas Democrats, shut out of power in the state Capitol for decades, last fled the state in 2003 to thwart a redistricting plan. That year, troopers went to Ardmore, Oklahoma, and asked them to come home on a plane sent by the then-Republican House speaker. But they were unable to arrest the lawmakers without a warrant issued by Oklahoma authorities, and the lawmakers refused the troopers' request.

Democrats ultimately lost that fight, with the GOP passing new voting maps.

| skanhyjuah | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/14 07:08 PM | DIYdljuQ |

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| Jajang | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/13 05:56 PM | J.CCHdzE |

President Joe Biden on Friday fired Social Security Commissioner Andrew Saul after he refused to submit his resignation as the President had requested, a White House official told CNN.

Biden had asked for the top two officials at the Social Security Administration to submit their resignations, the White House official told CNN, but only Saul refused. Deputy Commissioner David Black agreed to submit his resignation, the official said, and it was accepted.

"Since taking office, Commissioner Saul has undermined and politicized Social Security disability benefits, terminated the agency's telework policy that was utilized by up to 25 percent of the agency's workforce, not repaired SSA's relationships with relevant Federal employee unions including in the context of COVID-19 workplace safety planning, reduced due process protections for benefits appeals hearings, and taken other actions that run contrary to the mission of the agency and the President's policy agenda," the White House official said.

The President has appointed Kilolo Kijakazi as acting commissioner while the search for a commissioner and deputy commissioner is conducted.



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She is currently the deputy commissioner for retirement and disability policy at the Social Security Administration. Prior to that position, she served as a fellow at the Urban Institute, a program officer for the Ford Foundation, and a senior policy analyst for the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. She holds a doctorate in public policy and has led and participated in research regarding Social Security, racial equity, economic security and retirement security.

The Washington Post was first to report on Saul's dismissal.



Joe Biden fires top official at Social Security Administration after he refuses to resign



Saul's six-year term was not set to expire until January 19, 2025.
The White House cited a Supreme Court ruling establishing the President's ability to remove..., according to the Post.

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But in an interview with the Post on Friday, Saul said he does not intend to leave his role, questioning whether it was legal for the White House to have dismissed him from the position.

"I consider myself the term-protected Commissioner of Social Security,"he said.

Saul told the Post he first heard the news of his dismissal in an email Friday morning from the White House Office of Personnel, calling his dismissal a "Friday Night Massacre."

"This was the first I or my deputy knew this was coming," he told the newspaper. "It was a bolt of lightning no one expected. And right now it's left the agency in complete turmoil."

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Biden's decision to oust Saul was met with dismay by Republican leaders in Washington.

"This removal would be an unprecedented and dangerous politicization of the Social Security Administration," Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said in a Friday tweet before the news of Saul's firing broke.

"Social Security Commissioner Saul has bipartisan backing," Iowa's Sen. Chuck Grassley said earlier Friday, warning of politicizing the agency.

But on the other side of the aisle, Rep. Bill Pascrell said Friday that he welcomes the "overdue" removal of Saul and Black.
Pascrell -- a New Jersey Democrat who's the chairman of the House Ways and Means Subcommittee on Oversight -- had for months been calling for the duo to be fired to "protect Social Security" and wrote a letter to the President in March expressing that he wanted them out of the agency.

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"The leadership of the Social Security Administration under these men has been marked by a stunning streak of disregard, callousness, and destruction of the agency," Pascrell said Friday in a statement. "Saul and Black acted as foxes in the henhouse. Their agenda was not to protect Social Security but to impose cruelty on America's seniors and disabled. Their removal is overdue and welcome."

"Once again, the President has moved with decisiveness to build a better nation. Social Security is in deep trouble. I look forward to the nomination of a new commissioner who will be a partner for the Biden administration and be dedicated to protecting this program, not dismantling it. It's a new day," Pascrell said.

Saul and Black are not the first Trump appointees to be removed by the Biden White House, nor is Saul the first to question the legal authority President Joe Biden holds in removing his predecessor's appointees.

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Last winter, the Biden administration made an effort to remove multiple Trump appointees across various government agencies and boards.

Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin in February dismissed hundreds of members across 42 advisory boards, including a number of last-minute Trump appointees such as former campaign manager Corey ... and David Bossie, Trump's deputy campaign manager.

White House removes top Social Security officials
Democrats and advocacy groups had criticized Trump-era holdovers

Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio, the Democrat who leads the Senate Finance Committee’s Social Security subcommittee, applauded the move. Brown had called on Biden to replace Saul and Black in February.

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“Social Security is the bedrock of our middle class that Americans earn and count on, and they need a Social Security Commissioner who will honor that promise to seniors, survivors, and people with disabilities now and for decades to come,” Brown said in a statement on Friday. “Instead,Andrew Saul tried to systematically dismantle Social Security as we know it from within. I look forward to working with incoming Acting Commissioner Kijakazi, who shares our commitment to protecting and expanding Social Security.”

The move drew objections on Friday from top-ranking Republicans on the panels that oversee Social Security, who described it as a politicization of the agency.

“It is disappointing that the Administration is injecting politics into the agency, given that Commissioner Saul was confirmed with bipartisan approval, worked closely with both parties in Congress, and provided smooth benefit and service delivery during the largest management challenge ever faced by the agency,” said Senate Finance Ranking Member Michael D. Crapo of Idaho and House Ways and Means Ranking Member Kevin Brady of Texas in a joint statement.

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Saul and Black were each confirmed with broad bipartisan margins in 2019.

The vote to confirm Saul, on June 4, 2019, was 77-16. Democratic backers at the time included Brown, then-Finance ranking member Ron Wyden of Oregon and Charles E. Schumer of New York, the then-minority leader. Black was confirmed on Sept. 24, 2019, on a 68-26 vote. Wyden voted for Black but by then Brown and Schumer were "no" votes.

Saul, a businessman and former New York City transit official, didn't have any experience with Social Security before taking the job, though at one point he ran the federal government's Thrift Savings Plan for federal workers. Black was a former Social Security Administration general counsel under Democratic and Republican presidents — Barack Obama and George W. Bush, respectively — who joined the Trump transition team and then stayed on as a senior SSA adviser.

Under the law establishing Social Security, the agency's commissioner can only be removed before his or her six-year term is up "pursuant to a finding by the President of neglect of duty or malfeasance in office." That provision was added in 1994, though at the time the Clinton administration raised constitutional questions.

Biden's move to fire Saul came after a recent Supreme Court decision in Collins v. Yellen, in which the court decided a requirement that the Federal Housing Finance Agency director could only be fired for cause was unconstitutional.

The Justice Department said in a memo to the White House on Thursday that it believed the president could remove the Social Security commissioner without cause in light of the FHFA ruling and another, similar decision applicable to the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Director.

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As a result of those high court rulings, the Justice memo said, the agency's attorneys had "reexamined" the 1994 law and now "believe that the best reading of those decisions compels the conclusion that the statutory restriction on removing the Commissioner is unconstitutional. Therefore, the President may remove the Commissioner at will."

The Washington Post reported that Saul plans to contest the White House decision in court, and that he plans to report to his old job at Social Security on Monday — remotely.

For their part, unions and advocates for the elderly and disabled cheered Saul’s and Black’s firings. Under Trump, Saul — who attended the University of Pennsylvania with the former president — had proposed what they called radical changes to make it harder for older and disabled workers to be found eligible for disability benefits and blocked access to assistance for non-English speakers. He also tried to increase the frequency of medical reviews to semiannually for disabled people receiving benefits, a proposal Biden blocked.

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Unions that represent administrative law judges who rule on disability benefits applications were infuriated by a policy Saul instituted to shift adjudications from them to agency attorneys, saying the move eroded their judicial independence and threatened protections for disabled Americans because agency attorneys would lean toward denying benefits. Saul said Friday that no agency attorneys had ruled in these cases.

The administrative law judges and union representing thousands of other agency workers clashed with Saul early in his tenure for imposing contracts whose provisions were not fully negotiated through collective bargaining. The tension continued into the Biden administration.

Critics also took issue with the fact that Saul never moved near suburban Baltimore, where the agency is based. Saul said Friday that he stayed at the Four Seasons Hotel in Washington from his confirmation in 2019 until March 2020, when the pandemic forced the agency to shift to remote work. He said he personally covered the hotel costs.

| callum | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/11 06:58 PM | R2ItP2K2 |

President Joe Biden said Thursday the U.S. military operation in Afghanistan will end on Aug. 31, delivering an impassioned argument for exiting the nearly 20-year war without sacrificing more American lives even as he bluntly acknowledged there will be no “mission accomplished” moment to celebrate.

Biden pushed back against the notion the U.S. mission has failed but also noted that it remains unlikely the government would control all of Afghanistan after the U.S. leaves. He urged the Afghan government and Taliban, which he said remains as formidable as it did before the start of the war, to come to a peace agreement.

“We did not go to Afghanistan to nation build,” Biden said in a speech from the White House’s East Room. “Afghan leaders have to come together and drive toward a future.”

Joe Biden says US to pull its forces out of Afghanistan by 31 August

The administration in recent days has sought to frame ending the conflict as a decision that Biden made after concluding it’s an “unwinnable war” and one that “does not have a military solution.” On Thursday he amplified the justification of his decision even as the Taliban make rapid advances in significant swaths of the country.

“How many more, how many more thousands of American daughters and sons are you willing to risk?” Biden said to those calling for the U.S. to extend the military operation. He added, “I will not send another generation of Americans to war in Afghanistan, with no reasonable expectation of achieving a different outcome.”

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The new withdrawal date comes after former President Donald Trump’s administration negotiated a deal with the Taliban to end the U.S. military mission by May 1. Biden after taking office announced U.S. troops would be out by by the 20th anniversary of the Sept. 11, 2001, attack, which al-Qaida leader Osama bin Laden plotted from Afghanistan, where he had been given refuge by the Taliban.

With U.S. and NATO ally forces rapidly drawing down in the past week, there was growing speculation that U.S. combat operations have already effectively ended. But by setting Aug. 31 as the drawdown date, the administration nodded to the reality that the long war is in its final phase, while providing itself some cushion to deal with outstanding matters.

‘Overdue’: Joe Biden sets Aug. 31 for US exit from Afghanistan

The administration has yet to complete talks with Turkey on an arrangement for maintaining security at the Kabul airport and is still ironing out details for the potential evacuation of thousands of Afghans who assisted the U.S. military operation.

Biden said that prolonging U.S. military involvement, considering Trump had already agreed to withdraw U.S. troops, would have led to an escalation of attacks on American troops and NATO allies.

“The Taliban would have again begun to target our forces,” Biden said. “The status quo was not an option. Staying meant U.S. troops taking casualties. American men and women. Back in the middle of a civil war. And we would run the risk of having to send more troops back in Afghanistan to defend our remaining troops.”

The president added that there is no “mission accomplished” moment as the U.S. war comes to an end.

“The mission was accomplished in that we got Osama bin Laden and terrorism is not emanating from that part of the world,” he said. U.S. forces killed bin Laden in 2011.

U.S. forces this week vacated Bagram Airfield — the U.S. epicenter of the conflict to oust the Taliban and hunt down the al-Qaida perpetrators of the 2001 terrorist attacks that triggered the war.

Remaining U.S. troops are now concentrated in Kabul, the capital. The Pentagon said the top U.S. commander in Afghanistan, Gen. Scott Miller, is expected to end his tour of duty this month as final arrangements are made for a reduced U.S. military mission.

Biden, answering questions from reporters after his remarks on Thursday, said that Kabul falling to the Taliban would not be an acceptable outcome. The president also pushed back against the notion that such a scenario was certain.

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“Do I trust the Taliban? No,” Biden said. “But I trust the capacity of the Afghan military, who is better trained, better equipped and more competent in terms of conducting war.”

To be certain, the West hopes Taliban gains will be confined mostly to rural areas, with the Afghan government and its allies retaining control of the cities where much of Afghanistan’s population resides. And while the Taliban remain a major power in Afghanistan, the government’s supporters hope that Afghans will work out the Taliban role in the post-U.S. Afghanistan power structure more through political than military means, partly through the inducements of international legitimacy, aid and other support.

Asked by a reporter whether rampant corruption within the Afghan government contributed to the failure of achieving the sort of stability that his predecessors and American military commanders envisioned, Biden didn’t exactly dismiss the notion. “The mission hasn’t failed — yet.”

Biden continues to face pressure from congressional lawmakers to offer further detail on how he intends to go about assisting thousands of Afghans who helped the U.S. military as translators, drivers and in other jobs. Many are fearful they will be targets of the Taliban once the U.S. withdrawal is complete.

The White House says the administration has identified U.S. facilities outside of the continental United States, as well as third countries, where evacuated Afghans would potentially stay while their visa applications are processed. Biden added that 2,500 Afghans have been granted special immigrant visas since he took office in January.

Still, the president faced Republican criticism following his speech.

“The Taliban is gaining more ground by the day, and there are targets on the backs of our people and our partners,” said Rep. Michael McCaul of Texas, the top Republican on the House Foreign Affairs Committee. “But rather than taking the opportunity to reassure the American people there are sufficient plans in place to keep American diplomats and our Afghan partners safe, President Biden only offered more empty promises and no detailed plan of action.”

John Kirby, chief Pentagon spokesman, said Thursday that the U.S. military is considering several overseas bases around the world as possible temporary locations for those Afghans awaiting a visa. So far, he said, the numbers of those who have decided to leave Afghanistan are not so high that they can’t be handled with a range of installations.

“Our message to those women and men is clear,” Biden said. “There is a home for you in the United States if you so choose. We will stand with you, just as you stood with us.”

Biden noted that as a senator he was skeptical about how much the U.S. could accomplish in Afghanistan and had advocated for a more narrowly tailored mission. He was somewhat opaque in answering whether the cost of the war was worth it, but argued that the U.S. objectives were completed long ago.

“We went for two reasons: one, to bring Osama bin Laden to the gates of hell, as I said at the time,” Biden said. “The second reason was to eliminate al-Qaida’s capacity to deal with more attacks on the United States from that territory. We accomplished both of those objectives. Period.

“That’s why I believe this is the right decision and quite frankly overdue.”

Analysis-Biden lost faith in the U.S. mission in Afghanistan over a decade ago

President Joe Biden’s frustrations with Afghanistan boiled over more than a decade ago, and they never again eased.

On a trip to Kabul in January 2009, shortly before he was sworn in as vice president, Biden warned Afghanistan’s then-President Hamid Karzai at a dinner that he could lose Washington’s support unless he started governing for all Afghans, hinting at corruption allegations targeting Karzai’s brother.

Karzai shot back that the United States was indifferent to the deaths of Afghan civilians.

As the dispute went on, Biden threw down his napkin and the dinner ended abruptly, according to several people in attendance.

Biden had previously supported strong military and humanitarian efforts to rebuild Afghanistan after the United States toppled the Islamist militant Taliban government in retaliation for its aiding al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, the mastermind of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks on the United States.

But the clash with Karzai and the rest of a discomforting trip left Biden filled with a sense that Afghanistan’s war was ensnaring Washington and could be unwinnable.

He returned to Washington with a stern warning to President-elect Barack Obama: Now is not the time to put more troops in Afghanistan.

“It wasn’t simply impatience,” said Jonah Blank, a longtime former Biden aide who was with him on the 2009 trip. “Year after year, his optimism started to drain away.”

Biden lost that policy dispute as Obama eventually ordered a surge of new troops into Afghanistan and extended the war through his term in office, which ended in 2017.

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But Biden is now in charge at the White House and he is overseeing a near-total troop withdrawal despite the objections of some military experts, Democratic and Republican lawmakers and humanitarian officials.

Biden’s Republican predecessor, Donald Trump, struck a deal with the Taliban under which all U.S. troops would leave by May of this year. Sources say Biden worried that reneging on that deal would court further attacks on U.S. troops and extend the war.

Biden acknowledged on Thursday that a new civil war could erupt in Afghanistan, but reiterated his commitment to pulling out U.S. troops. While the United States will maintain diplomatic and humanitarian support for Afghans, Biden said their future was up to them.

It was the Democratic president’s most public effort yet to reassure Americans on the Afghanistan strategy as the Taliban takes over swaths of a country at the precipice of chaos.

“I made the decision with clear eyes,” Biden said. “I will not send another generation of Americans to war in Afghanistan with no reasonable expectation of achieving a different outcome.”

About 2,400 U.S. service members have been killed in America’s longest war - and many thousands more wounded.

A majority of Americans support Biden’s decision to move troops out of Afghanistan, according to an Ipsos poll from April, but only 28% of respondents agreed the United States accomplished its goals in Afghanistan, while 43% said the U.S. withdrawal now helps al Qaeda.

NO GUARANTEES
Critics, including some U.S. government officials, warn the withdrawal is occurring without guarantees that the Taliban will participate in a peace process or democratic elections, or cut ties with al Qaeda.

The Pentagon says the withdrawal of U.S. forces is 90% complete, and the Taliban has launched an offensive taking areas where it had once been kept at bay. On Thursday, it captured a major border crossing with Iran.

Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who accompanied Biden on the 2009 Afghanistan trip, said this week that al Qaeda could re-emerge in Afghanistan and lay the groundwork for another attack on the United States. “It is not in America’s national security interest for the Taliban to take over Afghanistan.”

Senator Jeanne Shaheen, a Democrat, said she is “deeply concerned” by conditions in Afghanistan.

Heather Barr, an interim co-director of the women’s rights division at Human Rights Watch who spent years in Afghanistan, also had a grim assessment: “It feels like a complete disaster, as if the country is collapsing.”

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The decision to leave was not easy, but current and former aides said Biden’s concerns about getting bogged down in Afghanistan began in the final stages of the George W. Bush administration and crystalized over the years.

The 2009 trip persuaded him that the policy was failing.

“What he saw and heard on the trip,” Obama wrote in his 2020 memoir, “A Promised Land,” “convinced him that we needed to rethink our entire approach” and that Afghanistan was a “dangerous quagmire.”

Biden was sometimes the only senior White House official opposing troop surges to back the counterinsurgency strategy.

Yet the years that passed only sharpened Biden’s concerns and those of close aides, including Secretary of State Antony Blinken.

The 2011 killing of bin Laden, in a U.S. raid that Biden was skeptical of in neighboring Pakistan, was a major accomplishment for Obama. But it also removed another reason for the United States to maintain a strong presence in the region.

“Biden argued throughout the process, and would continue to argue, that the war was politically unsustainable at home,” Robert Gates, a defense secretary under Obama who clashed with Biden, said in a 2014 memoir.

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Biden’s administration hopes it can maintain some leverage over the Taliban in U.S.-backed peace talks with threats to withhold financial assistance that the poor, landlocked country needs.

Yet the swift exit risks giving the Taliban free rein. Blinken told Reuters during the 2020 presidential campaign that Trump’s mistake was agreeing to leave Afghanistan while extracting nothing in return from the Taliban.

“We better make sure that we say we’re drawing down but in exchange for actions from the Taliban that we’re seeking as opposed to pulling out for nothing in return.”

A bipartisan group of lawmakers and aid groups share the concern that Biden’s own approach now is insufficient.

“Every time I’ve asked the administration for their plan on any of these issues, I’m told: ‘It’s coming,’” said Republican Representative Mike Rogers, his party’s senior member on the House Armed Services Committee. “These poor decisions, I’m afraid, will require our return to Afghanistan in the near future.”

| bbroganz | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/09 08:26 PM | N/jboxpA |

As a new Cold War takes shape between the U.S. and China, progressives fear the result will be a dramatically warming planet.

Over 40 progressive groups sent a letter to President Joe Biden and lawmakers on Wednesday urging them to prioritize cooperation with China on climate change and curb its confrontational approach over issues like Beijing’s crackdown on Hong Kong and forced detention of Uyghur Muslims.

It's the latest salvo in the months-long drama between progressive Democrats who say cooperation on climate change should take precedence over competition with China, and moderates who think the administration can do both things at once. As the Biden administration solidifies its China strategy, and as anti-China legislation moves through Congress, this intra-Democratic tussle could define the U.S.-China relationship for years to come.

The progressive organizations, including the Sunrise Movement and the Union of Concerned Scientists, “call on the Biden administration and all members of Congress to eschew the dominant antagonistic approach to U.S.-China relations and instead prioritize multilateralism, diplomacy, and cooperation with China to address the existential threat that is the climate crisis,” their letter reads. “Nothing less than the future of our planet depends on ending the new Cold War between the United States and China.”

Joe Biden’s new Cold War with China will result in climate collapse, progressives warn

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“To combat the climate crisis and build a global economy that works for everyday working people — in the U.S. and China alike — we must shift from competition to cooperation,” the groups continued.

Challenging China’s regional human rights abuses and aggressions is central to Biden’s foreign policy, while the struggle between American-style democracy and Chinese-style authoritarianism serves as his presidency’s animating idea. “It is clear, absolutely clear ... that this is a battle between the utility of democracies in the 21st century and autocracies,” Biden told reporters in April.

The standoff has led to frosty relations between the world’s most powerful countries with no signs of thawing any time soon.

Progressives say Biden must quickly reverse the trend or risk failing on another of his priorities: ending climate change. “His entire climate change agenda could be at risk if his anti-China campaign continues and grows,” said Erik Sperling, the executive director of Just Foreign Policy, one of the groups that signed on to the letter.

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It’s not the first time progressives railed against the administration’s China approach. In May, prominent left-leaning lawmakers and 60 activist groups called on the president not to turn China into the 21st century’s Soviet Union. “We need to distinguish between justified criticisms of the Chinese government’s human rights record and a Cold War mentality that uses China as a scapegoat for our own domestic problems and demonizes Chinese Americans,” Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) said at the time.

And last week, nearly 30 organizations pushed Speaker Nancy Pelosi to back a less confrontational version of anti-China legislation working its way through Congress.

The pressure isn't letting up. "We need a strategic approach to China that prioritizes our national security and economic competitiveness while creating spaces for cooperation on climate change and other global issues. I would have an approach of competitive cooperation. It’s early to say on how the administration approach will develop," said Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), a prominent Congressional progressive.

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That puts Khanna and others at odds with moderate Democrats, such as Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chair Robert Menendez (D-N.J.), who argue the Chinese government’s actions must face stiff resistance from the United States. “There should be little doubt that China and the Communist Party under Xi Jinping’s brand of hyper-nationalism is unlike any challenge America has ever faced,” he said in April.

But this newest letter is another progressive shot across the bow, and they want to let the president know his China approach is dooming the world. “It’s a colossal blunder,” said Basav Sen, the climate justice policy director at the Institute for Policy Studies.

The Biden administration has long claimed it could silo its climate cooperation and geopolitical competition with China. “Obviously we have serious differences with China,” John Kerry, the president’s special envoy for climate change, told reporters in January. “Those issues will never be traded for anything that has to do with climate. That’s not going to happen.” As evidence, they point to China’s participation during the US-led climate summit in April where Beijing vowed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and reduce coal consumption.

Progressives aren’t convinced, as they already see the broader U.S.-China spat bleeding into the climate-change effort. In June, for example, the US banned the import of solar panel material from a Chinese company over forced labor allegations.

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“Cooperation with China on climate doesn’t absolve China or the U.S.on human rights,” said Karen Orenstein, director of the climate and energy program at Friends of the Earth U.S. But those issues shouldn’t impact how strongly Washington tackles the global climate change problem in tandem with Beijing, she said. “The climate emergency requires cooperation.”

Joe Biden cannot counter China with a team that lacks expertise

President Biden’s foreign policy team says China is the priority, but the team lacks China expertise. Other than trade experience at the Office of the United States Trade Representative, Biden’s Cabinet has no China expertise. Secretary of State Antony Blinken has worked on issues involving Europe, Canada and the Middle East. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin has a distinguished career as a general in Iraq and as leader of U.S. forces in the Middle East. National security adviser Jake Sullivan’s biography highlights work on Libya, Syria, Iran and Myanmar.

Biden’s lead candidate for ambassador to Beijing continues the pattern. Nicholas Burns has served in the Middle East and Europe. An Indiaphile and Sinophobe, he lacks China experience and disdains China experts with more complex views.

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I’m a lifelong Democrat who criticized George W. Bush’s foreign policies. But Bush had outstanding success with U.S.-China relations. He gained enduring respect and appreciation from both Beijing and Taipei. He strongly supported Taiwan but forbade dangerous Taipei provocations. He managed difficult problems, starting with the downing of a U.S. surveillance plane on Hainan. Bush’s China success was created by his team — notably, Hank Paulsen at Treasury, Dennis Wilder at the National Security Council, and Sandy Randt as ambassador. They knew China.

Presidents Obama and Trump lacked top-level China expertise and their Asia policies were successive fumbles. Obama’s team idled while North Korea built nuclear weapons. He sacrificed U.S. allies’ confidence by failing to defend Scarborough Shoal, validated the Japanese breaking of a four-decade peace understanding over the Senkakus, used phony arguments in failed opposition to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and invested too little, too late in the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Trump’s record was worse.

Below Cabinet level, Biden’s key Asia officials are Kurt Campbell at the National Security Council and Ely Ratner at the Department of Defense. State’s Sung Kim is rock-solid but less prominent. Neither Campbell nor Ratner has deep, direct experience with China. Obama’s Asia failures happened on Campbell’s watch. Campbell and Ratner are famous for a 2018 Foreign Affairs article asserting that U.S. engagement with China has failed because it assumed that engagement would make China a liberal polity — fatuous historical revisionism based on out-of-context quotes. Congressional testimony shows that all key engagement decisions hinged on national security and economic risks and opportunities, uneasily mixed with moral opprobrium. The Campbell-Ratner misrepresentation of history should have disqualified them from their current government positions.

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Campbell’s primary contribution under Obama was “the pivot” to Asia, a conceptually valid shift of U.S. resources away from the Middle East and South Asia to East Asia. The Middle East focus of Biden’s team so far proves the pivot’s strategic failure. The pivot’s biggest contribution to U.S. strength was the pitiful shift of a couple thousand U.S. troops to northern Australia, but its management provoked Beijing to anticipate a major strategic challenge — a big net loss for the United States.

The Biden team’s record on Pacific Asia has been a series of missteps. Blinken’s antagonism in Anchorage played well domestically but could hamper productive dialogue for years. Blinken called Taiwan a “country,” although his professional colleagues walked that back; someone who understood China would never make that gaffe. Biden’s policy toward North Korea lacks substance and is hopeless without a China dimension. Blinken half-snubbed the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which holds the balance of Chinese and American power in Asia, by offering their meeting only an in-flight video conference because he gave priority to a Middle East meeting — and then he couldn’t make the meeting technology work.

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Blinken has warned countries not to accept Chinese infrastructure loans, lest China end up owning the projects, echoing the falsehood put forth by former Vice President Mike Pence and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo that Beijing lends money inappropriately so that it can seize collateral. In more than a thousand African loans, Beijing has never seized collateral and never sought to take advantage of a squeezed borrower. The Pence citation of a 2017 Chinese lease agreement with Sri Lanka’s Hambantota port was such a distortion that some scholars call it a lie.

The Biden administration does not know how to be tough but not provocative on Taiwan. If you sell Taiwan advanced weaponry and send three carrier task forces to the Taiwan Strait, you’re tough — but don’t break the 1972 agreement that underlies Taiwan’s democracy and prosperity. However, if you invite the Taiwan representative to the presidential inauguration, send members of Congress as official emissaries, and characterize Taiwan as a “security partner,” you don’t strengthen Taiwan but nearly abandon the 1972 agreement to sever official diplomatic and alliance ties. That risks putting Chinese leader Xi Jinping in a position where keeping his job could require decisive action.

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Would America have accepted a Cold War leadership without Soviet expertise? The more you see China as a dangerous adversary, the more important it is to actually understand China. It is insufficient for officials to be well-connected, experienced on Middle East issues, and dislike China.

| Jajang | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/08 08:24 PM | GaB4yxr2 |

WASHINGTON (AP) — Calling a vaccination “the most patriotic thing you can do,” President Joe Biden on Sunday mixed the nation’s birthday party with a celebration of freedom from the worst of the pandemic. He tempered the strides against COVID-19 with a warning that the fight against the virus wasn’t over.

“Today, all across this nation, we can say with confidence: America is coming back together,” Biden declared as he hosted more than 1,000 service members, first responders and other guests for a July Fourth celebration on the South Lawn of the White House.

For Biden it was a long-awaited opportunity to highlight the success of the vaccination campaign he championed. The event was the largest yet of his presidency, the clearest indication yet that the U.S. had moved into a new phase of virus response. Shifting from a national emergency to a localized crisis of individual responsibility, the nation also moved from vaccinating Americans to promoting global health.

“This year the Fourth of July is a day of special celebration, for we’re emerging from the darkness of a year of pandemic and isolation, a year of pain fear and heartbreaking loss,” the president said before fireworks lit up the sky over the National Mall.

Joe Biden celebrates progress against the COVID-19 virus

Biden: US ‘coming back together,’ but COVID not yet finished

Noting the lockdowns that shuttered businesses, put millions out of work and separated untold numbers of families, Biden said: “Today we’re closer than ever to declaring our independence from a deadly virus. That’s not to say the battle against COVID-19 is over. We’ve got a lot more work to do.”

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Biden wanted all Americans to celebrate, too, after enduring 16 months of disruption in the pandemic and more than 605,000 deaths. The White House encouraged gatherings and fireworks displays all around the country to mark — as though ripped from a Hollywood script — the nation’s “independence” from the virus.

And there was much to cheer: Cases and deaths from COVID-19 were at or near record lows since the outbreak began, thanks to the robust U.S. vaccination program. Businesses and restaurants were open, hiring was picking up and travel was getting closer to pre-pandemic levels.

However, Biden’s optimism was measured for good reason. The vaccination goal he had set with great fanfare for July Fourth — 70% of the adult population vaccinated — fell short at 67%, according to figures from the Centers for Disease Control and .... More concerning to officials was the gap between heavily vaccinated communities where the virus was dying out and lesser-vaccinated ones where a more infectious variant of the virus was already taking hold.

More than 200 Americans still die each day from COVID-19, and tens of millions have chosen not to get the lifesaving vaccines.

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“If you’ve had the vaccine, you’re doing great,” said Dr. Mati Hlatshwayo Davis, an infectious disease physician at the John Cochran VA Medical Center and St. Louis Board of Health. “If you haven’t had the vaccine, you should be alarmed and that’s just the bottom line, there’s no easy way to cut it.”

“But that doesn’t take away from the fact that this country is in a significantly better place,” she said.

Still, about 1,000 counties have a vaccination rate below 30%, and the federal government is warning that they could become the next hot spots as virus restrictions ease.

The administration was sending “surge” teams to Colorado and Missouri. Additional squads of infectious disease experts, public health professionals and doctors and nurses were getting ready to assist in additional locations with a combination of low vaccination rates and rising cases.

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Overall, the vastly improved American landscape stood in stark contrast with much of the rest of the world, where there remained vast vaccine deserts and wide community spread that could open the door to even more dangerous variants. The Biden administration was increasingly turning the federal response to the complicated logistics of sending excess U.S. vaccines abroad in an effort to assist other nations in beating back the pandemic.

With U.S. demand for vaccines falling even as they have been widely available for months, and as governments and businesses dangled an array of incentives at Americans to get a shot, officials were increasingly emphasizing that the consequences of disease now largely reflect the individual choices of those who are not yet vac....

“The suffering and loss we are now seeing is nearly entirely avoidable,” said the CDC’s director, Dr. Rochelle Walensky.

When asked about the potential risks of holding gatherings around July Fourth in areas where there are large pockets of unvaccinated individuals, White House press secretary Jen Psaki had countered that “if individuals are vaccinated in those areas, then they are protected.”

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The cookout and fireworks viewing at the South Lawn was “being done in the right way,” White House COVID-19 response coordinator Jeff Zients said in television interviews, and “consistent” with CDC guidelines. The White House was not requiring vaccinations but was asking guests to get a COVID-19 test and to wear a mask if they are not fully vaccinated.

“For as much work there still is to do, it’s so important to celebrate the victories,” Davis said. “I’m OK with us having those pockets of joy and celebration as long as we still wake up the next day and continue to go to work and prioritize equity in vaccine distribution.”

Joe Biden touts US coronavirus progress at July 4 White House event: 'America is coming back together'

(CNN) - President Joe Biden touted the nation's progress against the coronavirus pandemic Sunday evening as he and first lady Jill Biden hosted their biggest party yet at the White House marking the July Fourth holiday.

"Today, all across this nation we can say with confidence America is coming back together," the President said in remarks outside the White House. "245 years ago, we declared our independence from a distant king. Today, we are closer than ever to declaring our independence from a deadly virus."

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The US, Biden said, is seeing "the results of the unity of purpose."

"Together, we're beating the virus. Together, we're breathing life into our economy. Together, we will rescue our people from division and despair. But together, we must do it. Over the past year, we've lived through some of our darkest days," he said. "Now I truly believe -- I give my word as a Biden -- I truly believe we are about to see our brightest future. Folks, this is a special nation."

More than five months into their tenure, the Bidens used the July 4th holiday as an opportunity to host guests in person, and more than a thousand were anticipated to enjoy food and festivities for the Fourth on the Sou..., culminating in fireworks on the National Mall.

Those invited were mostly military families and essential workers, who could bring their families, a nod of gratitude to service members and those who kept the country going during the darkest days of the pandemic.

But the celebration comes at a time when federal officials are warning about the Delta variant and doubling down on getting the rest of the US population vaccinated and protected.

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The White House asked everyone attending on Sunday to get tested for Covid-19 before the event and wear masks if they are not fully vaccinated, according to White House press secretary Jen Psaki.

Psaki said all attendees received guidance that they should get tested for Covid-19 one to three days in advance of the event. She said those who are fully vaccinated can abide by public health guidelines and aren't required to wear masks.

A White House official told CNN there is some concern about the optics of the holiday party now that the Delta variant is creeping its way across vulnerable populations of the United States.

"Do we wish we were doing this having completely eradicated Covid? Yes, of course," said the official, noting there was never discussion about pulling the plug on the party. "We're moving ahead -- with this event, with the initiatives, with trying to get people vaccinated. All of it."

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The White House Covid-19 response coordinator, Jeffrey Zients, earlier Sunday defended the White House's decision not to require those who attend thefirst big bash to be vaccinated.

"I think most of these folks are vaccinated," Zients told CNN's Dana Bash on "State of the Union." "But at the end of the day, it's an individual choice, we hope all individuals make the right choice here and get vaccinated as soon as possible."

In a sign of the heightened concern about the variant, the White House announced last week that it would be deploying response teams made up of officials from the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the US Department of Health and Human Services, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency across the US to areas with a high spread of the Delta variant. The teams will conduct surge testing, provide therapeutics like monoclonal antibodies and deploy federal personnel to areas that need support staff for vaccinations.

White House officials also recently acknowledged the nation would fall short of Biden's July Fourth Covid-19 vaccination goals, saying the country has more work to do to get younger Americans vaccinated. The President had aimed to get 70% of US adults to have at least one Covid-19 vaccine shot and to have 160 million Americans fully vaccinated by July Fourth. According to the CDC, as of Friday before the holiday weekend, 67% of US adults have had at least one shot.

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"Today we have the power of science. Thanks to our heroic vaccine effort, we've gained the upper hand against this virus. We can live our lives. Oour kids can go back to school. Our economy is roaring back," Biden said Sunday.

"Don't get me wrong, Covid-19 has not been vanquished. We all know powerful variants have emerged like the Delta variant. But the best defense against these variants is to get vaccinated. My fellow Americans, it's the most patriotic thing you can do," he added.

"So please, if you haven't gotten vaccinated. Do it. Do it now. For yourself, for your loved ones, for your community, and for your country."

Zients told reporters last week that he expects the US to hit the vaccination goal in weeks, and on Sunday, he said the federal government would continue to make vaccines more accessible for the public to increase the numbers.

"Well, we made a lot of progress. I think we're much further along than anyone would have anticipated at this point," Zients told Bash, when asked why the administration fell short.

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The party on Sunday was far larger than what was initially expected for the holiday. In March, Biden said he was hopeful that Americans would be able to gather with family and friends on July Fourth to celebrate the holiday in small groups in backyards as more and more Americans got vaccinated. Since then, because of the national vaccination effort, Covid-19 restrictions have been pulled back across the country and the CDC has said Americans who are fully vaccinated don't have to wear masks indoors or outdoors in most situations.

The White House official told CNN there would be food stations at the party that include American favorites like hot dogs and hamburgers, chicken and other selections that reflect the holiday. The decorations will be substantial and more apparent than anything the Biden White House has put forward so far, according to one person familiar with the planning. The White House has enlisted outside events companies for help -- something the Trump and Obama administrations also did for large-scale events.

The White House's theme for the holiday weekend is "America's Back Together," promoting the idea that much of the nation is returning to pre-pandemic lifestyles as Americans get vaccinated. The President traveled to Traverse City, Michigan, on Saturday to tout the administration's response to the pandemic and celebrate the progress that has been made.

The first lady, Vice President Kamala Harris and second gentleman Doug Emhoff also took trips on Friday and Saturday as part of the weekend celebrations. Biden's Cabinet is deploying across the country to more than a dozen states to attend roundtables and baseball games and visit fire stations, festivals, parades, cookout....

"It's never, ever been a good bet to bet against America. Never!" Biden said as he concluded his remarks Sunday evening.
"We just have to remember who we are. We are the United States of America. And there is nothing -- nothing we can't do if we do it together."

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It's OK to celebrate the Fourth with precautions, despite the pandemic, Fauci says

People can celebrate the Fourth of July as long as they take the appropriate precautions, Dr. Anthony Fauci said Thursday, while urging people to "get vaccinated."

Asked whether it was appropriate to hold a mass gathering and fireworks display on the National Mall in Washington, DC, as the pandemic continues, White House coronavirus response coordinator Jeff Zients said it was.

"It's an appropriate time to step back and celebrate the progress we've made," Zients said at a White House briefing.
"You can still celebrate at the same time as you get your message very, very clear," Fauci agreed.

"That is, if you were vaccinated, you have a high degree of protection. If you are not, you should wear a mask, and you should think very seriously about getting vaccinated," added Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases.
"So, in so many respects, nothing has really changed. We are celebrating as a country at the same time as we recognize the fact that we're in a serious situation for those who have not been vaccinated. And the message is: Get vaccinated."

Holiday celebrations nonwithstanding, the Delta variant of the coronavirus continues to spread and the nation has seen an increase in its seven-day average of Covid-19 cases, the director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention said Thursday.

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The nation's current seven-day average, covering June 23-29, is 12,609 cases per day, a 10% increase from the previous seven-day average of 11,428, covering June 16-22, said director Dr. Rochelle Walensky during a virtual White House briefing.

And while the seven-day average has decreased 95% since January 10, Walensky said the Delta variant remains a serious threat and could cause more Covid-19 cases, hospitalizations and deaths in unvaccinated communities, especially those in the Southeast and Midwest.

"The Delta variant is predicted to be the second most prevalent variant in the United States, and I expect that in the coming weeks, it will eclipse the Alpha variant," Walensky said.

The Alpha variant, also known as B.1.1.7, was first seen in Britain. The Delta variant, known as B.1.617.2, was first seen in India.
Across the country, Walensky said, communities with low vaccination coverage remain vulnerable, especially due to the spread of the "hyper-transmissible Delta variant."

"Currently, approximately 1,000 counties in the United States have vaccination coverage of less than 30%. These communities, primarily in the Southeast and Midwest, are our most vulnerable," Walensky said.

"In some of these areas, we are already seeing increasing rates of disease. As the Delta variant continues to spread across the country, we expect to see increased transmissions in these communities, unless we can vaccinate more people now."

Federal teams to deploy in response to Delta variant

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As concerns about the Delta variant grow, the Biden administration announced Thursday that it is deploying response teams across the US to areas with high spread of the virus, a White House official told CNN.

These teams will go into communities where officials are worried about a potentially deadly ...: low vaccination rates and a significant presence of the highly infectious Delta variant. The teams will be composed of officials from the CDC, the Department of Health and Human Services and the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

These response teams will help to provide more testing, deploy federal personnel to areas that need support staff for vaccinations and provide therapeutics such as monoclonal antibodies.

However, officials believe vaccinations are the top way to stop the spread and recognize there could be a limit to their efforts. Most US adults who plan to get vaccinated against Covid-19 have already done so, according to a Kaiser Family Foundation report released this week.

"We want to be as clear as possible," White House press secretary Jen Psaki said Thursday. "If you have been vaccinated, the message we're conveying is you're safe ... if you are not yet vaccinated, you are not safe and protected. That's why you should go get vaccinated. It's not more complicated than that in some regards.
"
Expert says mask guidance needs to be focused

With uneven vaccination rates across the US and the Delta variant now spotted in all 50 states, one health expert says the federal government's mask guidance needs to be more focused.

"Part of the problem is that the CDC is trying to use a one-size-fits-all recommendation for the country rather than being a bit more surgical in identifying hot spot areas where transmission is accelerating," Dr. Peter Hotez told CNN's Jake Tapper on Wednesday.

Hotez, the dean of the National School of Tropical Medicine at Bayl..., noted people in areas where vaccination rates are low and the virus is more prevalent may not want to do the same activities as people who live in areas where vaccination rates are high and the virus is more contained.

Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Wyoming have the lowest vaccination rates in the country, with less than 35% of their total population fully vaccinated, according to the most recent data from the CDC.

Connecticut, Maine, Massachusetts, and Vermont have fully vaccinated more than 60% of their total population, the data shows.
The CDC's current mask guidance, which says fully vaccinated people do not need to wear a mask indoors or outdoors, needs to be more specific with the Delta variant in mind, Hotez said.

"I think that's what we need from the CDC is to be able to cut it a little finer, come up with ... a force of infection map that combines those two variables: the low vaccination rates, high Delta. Those places are at great risk for lots of transmission, including some vaccinated individuals who will have breakthrough infections."

Breakthrough infections, while rare, happen when vaccinated people contract Covid-19. A recent CDC study showed that when vaccinated people are infected, they experience milder illness than unvaccinated people.

Fauci said Tuesday he doesn't expect the CDC to make changes to its mask guidance but warned Americans must take the Delta variant seriously.

Experts: Children should mask up, even around fully vaccinated people

Children under 12 are another vulnerable group in the face of Covid-19 variants because federal officials have not cleared them to receive a vaccine.

Dr. Yvonne Maldonado, chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics' Committee on Infectious Diseases, told CNN on Wednesday that children not yet vaccinated should still mask up, even if they're around fully vaccinated people.

Fauci noted that vaccines make Covid-19 case surges "entirely avoidable, entirely preventable."

"The vast majority of new infections are occurring among unvaccinated individuals," Maldonado said in an email to CNN. "For these unvaccinated children, masking, distancing and avoiding large crowds is recommended."

Hotez echoed Maldonado's stance on children wearing masks.

"I would say right now, if your kids are old enough to wear masks, then they should when they're indoors, at least until we can get our arms around this Delta variant," said Hotez, noting that parents should take their area's vaccination rate and variant levels into account.

Federal health officials plan to analyze vaccine data for children younger than 12 in the upcoming fall or winter, said Dr. Peter Marks, who heads the US Food and Drug Administration's Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research.

Misinformation, mistrust and misperception

Former US Surgeon General Dr. Jerome Adams said Thursday there are three big issues when it comes to vaccine hesitancy in the United States: misinformation, mistrust and a misperception that access is no longer an issue for certain US communities.

"There are three big 'mis-es' that we have in terms of vaccine hesitancy," Adams told CNN's Erica Hill on "New Day."
"One is misinformation. Two is mistrust. And the third is a misperception that access still isn't an issue for many communities. For Black and Brown communities, for rural communities, access remains a problem."

Adams told Hill that "mistrust is huge, misinformation, unfortunately, is all over the place and we need the federal government, I'm going to say this today in my testimony, to really have a full-court press on PSAs, on community engagement to combat that constant stream of misinformation."

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Adams was testifying Thursday at a House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis hearing on vaccine hesitancy.
African American communities have "a good reason for mistrust," he said, and Hispanic communities are afraid they will face immigration issues if they come in and get vaccinated.

Many rural communities have been put off by the politicization of the pandemic, Adams said, "and everyone's responsible for that." He said he has never heard someone say that they wouldn't get vaccinated because they're a Republican; rather, they say they don't trust the government or medical institutions.

More research shows vaccines work and they're highly effective

As of Thursday, 47% of the total US population is fully vaccinated, CDC data showed. In the past seven days, the US averaged 26.6 new Covid-19 cases per 100,000 people.

While still lagging, vaccination coverage among young adults is improving, CDC data shows. Over the past two weeks, the 18-24 age group made up 12.6% of those becoming fully vaccinated, the CDC said.

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Meanwhile, a new study is highlighting the importance of vaccines and the protection they offer. The study examined nearly 4,000 frontline health and emergency workers shows that the Pfizer/BioNTech and Moderna Covid-19 vaccines were 91% effective in preventing infection after two doses and 81% effective after a single dose.

"If you get vaccinated, about 90% of the time you're not going to get COVID-19," Dr. Jeff Burgess of the University of Arizona, which participated in the study, said in a statement. "Even if you do get it, there will be less of the virus in you and your illness is likely to be much milder."

The team, led by CDC epidemiologist Mark Thompson, studied 3,975 health care personnel, first responders, and other essential and frontline workers.

The virus was detected in 204 participants, of whom five were fully vaccinated, 11 partially vaccinated and 156 unvaccinated, the report in the New England Journal of Medicine said.

Those who were vaccinated and got infected anyway had less virus in their bodies -- 40% less, researchers added. Vaccinated people were 58% less likely to have fevers. "And the duration of illness was shorter, with 2.3 fewer days spent sick in bed," the researchers said.

| Jajang | EMAIL | URL | 2021/07/05 07:13 PM | 1jhiMuk2 |

TRAVERSE CITY, Mich. (AP) — President Joe Biden stayed mum on policy during a Saturday trip to Michigan, focusing instead on cherries — and cherry pie and cherry ice cream — and voters who were mask-free as coronavirus restrictions have eased. It had all the hallmarks of a campaign stop that he couldn’t make last year.

Democratic Gov. Gretchen Whitmer greeted Biden when he arrived midday in Traverse City, which is hosting the National Cherry Festival, an event that attracted Presidents Herbert Hoover and Gerald Ford in the past.

They skipped the festival, however, in favor of a cherry farm in nearby Antrim County, where Biden pitched his immigration plans when chatting with two couples from Guatemala who were picking fruit. He then greeted a long line of enthusiastic supporters stretched out behind a rope.

His trip was billed as part of a broader campaign by the administration to drum up public support for his bipartisan infrastructure package and other polices geared toward families and education. But the president was out for direct contact with voters and refrained from delivering remarks about his policy proposals.

Whitmer told reporters she spoke to Biden about infrastructure, although not about any projects for Michigan specifically.

Joe Biden cherry-picks audience to promote bipartisan infrastructure deal

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“I’m the fix-the-damn-roads governor, so I talk infrastructure with everybody, including the president,” she said. In recent flooding, she said the state saw “under-invested infrastructure collide with climate change” and the freeways were under water.

“So this is an important moment. And that’s why this infrastructure package is so important. That’s also why I got the president rocky road fudge from Mackinac Island for his trip here,” she said.

Michigan Sen. Debbie Stabenow also said she spoke with the president about the infrastructure package as they toured the cherry farm, noting that her phone signal dropped to one bar and that the proposed broadband buildout was needed.

Biden’s host at King Orchards, Juliette King McAvoy, introduced him to the two Guatemalan couples, who she said had been working on the farm for 35 years. He told them he was proposing a pathway to citizenship for farmworkers. Biden then picked a cherry out of one of their baskets and ate it. He later bought pies at the farm’s market, including three varieties of cherry.

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Before leaving Michigan, he stopped in at Moomers Homemade Ice Cream in Traverse City, where he bought Cherries Moobilie cones for Stabenow and Gary Peters, Michigan’s other Democratic senator. But for himself it was vanilla with chocolate chips in a waffle cone.

Told it was cherry country, Biden said, “Yeah, but I’m more of a chocolate chip guy.”

First lady Jill Biden also was on the road Saturday, traveling to Maine and New Hampshire, while Vice President Kamala Harris was visiting a union training center in Las Vegas.

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The president has said the key to getting his 3 billion deal passed in Congress involves taking the case straight to voters. While Republicans and Democrats might squabble in Washington, Biden’s theory is that lawmakers of both parties want to deliver for their constituents.

White House officials negotiated a compromise with a bipartisan group of senators led by Republican Rob Portman of Ohio and Democrat Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona.

The agreement, announced in June, features 9 billion on roads and highways, billion on electric vehicle infrastructure and transit systems and billion toward broadband, among other expenditures on airports, drinking water systems and resiliency efforts to tackle climate change.

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It would be funded by COVID-19 relief that was approved in 2020 but unspent, repurposed money for enhanced unemployment benefits and increased enforcement by the IRS on wealthier Americans who avoid taxes. The financing also depends on leasing 5G telecommunications spectrum, the strategic petroleum reserve and the potential economic growth produced by the investments.

Biden intends to pass additional initiatives on education and families as well as tax increases on the wealthy and corporations through the budget reconciliation process. This would allow the passage of Biden’s priorities by a simple majority vote, avoiding the 60-vote hurdle in a Senate split evenly between Democrats and Republicans.

Biden visits Michigan to tout bipartisan infrastructure plan

President Biden traveled to Michigan on Saturday as part of his ongoing efforts to promote a bipartisan infrastructure proposal, and his plans for investing in child care, health care and education.

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Accompanied by Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer and Senators Debbie Stabenow and Gary Peters, Mr. Biden toured a cherry orchard at a fruit farm in Central Lake. He landed in nearby Traverse City earlier on Saturday, which is the site of the National Cherry Festival this week.

Key members of the administration are traveling over the holiday weekend to rally support for the infrastructure proposal and Mr. Biden's policies. First Lady Jill Biden is in Maine and New Hampshire on Saturday, and Vice President Kamala Harris is visiting a union training center in Las Vegas, Nevada.

Mr. Biden previously touted the infrastructure plan in a trip to Wisconsin last week, saying that it will provide historic investments in roads, bridges, clean drinking water and rail.

The infrastructure proposal was negotiated by a bipartisan group of senators and endorsed by the president in June. The package would cost nearly trillion over five years, with 9 billion in new spending. Legislative text for the proposal has not been released, but there is a basic framework with a breakdown on spending and proposed methods of paying for it.

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The bill will be narrowly focused on "traditional" infrastructure, like roads, bridges, improving railways and expanding broadband. It would spend 2 billion for transportation, including 9 billion for roads, bridges and major projects, billion for public transportation and billion for passenger and freight rail. It also dedicates smaller amounts to safety, airports, electric buses and electric vehicle infrastructure — a priority for Mr. Biden.

The proposal also includes billion for broadband infrastructure, billion for water infrastructure, billion for power infrastructure and billion for resiliency.

A White House fact sheet said some of the funding will come from redirecting unused unemployment insurance relief funds and other unused money from the most recent coronavirus stimulus bill, which Mr. Biden had initially opposed. Other funding streams will come from allowing states to sell or purchase unused toll credits, extending expiring customs user fees, 5G auctions proceedings, the selling of petroleum reserves, public-private partnerships and tax gap enforcement.

The president has also pledged to support a reconciliation bill that will include his priorities on so-called "human" infrastructure, such as child care and health care. A reconciliation bill only needs a simple majority to pass, meaning that it can be approved without any Republican support.

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Senate Budget Committee Chair Bernie Sanders is currently crafting the budget resolution and estimates the reconciliation bill could cost as much as or trillion, depending on what's included in the bipartisan proposal. But any reconciliation bill will also need the support of moderate Democratic Senator Joe Manchin, who is reluctant to consider a bill over trillion.

Meanwhile, the House voted last week to approve a separate 5 billion five-year transportation bill that shares some similarities with the bipartisan proposal.

Rich Lowry: Republicans should abandon the bipartisan infrastructure deal

They have nothing to gain by blessing a portion of President Joe Biden's spending plans, when an ungodly amount of money is going to go out the door regardless of whether they vote for a chunk of it or not.

So far, the bipartisan infrastructure deal is going through the normal life cycle of such proposals — alive, dead, revived, uncertain.

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